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By Irving A. Palmer

During the past 15 years in this country there have been few additions to the literature of lead smelting. After the consolidation of the principal smelting companies at the beginning of this period it became the policy of the larger company not to permit the publication of details in regard to many of its metallurgical processes. This led to similar action on the part of some of its competitors. The result, of course, was a decided decrease in the number of papers written upon the practical side of the subject. Even upon the theoretical side the contributions have been few. It would seem that the industry as a whole has suffered from this general unwillingness to exchange information. While it is true that a given company is entitled to the reward that may come from its own development of a new process, it is also true that a still greater reward might be the result of a free exchange of ideas with other plants. This principle has been recognized for a long time in other metallurgical industries, notably those engaged in the smelting of iron and the manufacture of steel. It is pleasing to note that the leading lead-smelting company has very recently decided to modify its policy of secrecy, and to permit the publication of papers covering some details of its metallurgical methods. The statement has been made that there has been but little progress in lead smelting during the period just referred to. This impression is due in part, no doubt, to the scarcity of papers written on the subject. 'There has been, it is true, some discussion of the new sintering processes, but with little reference to detail, and to the effect that blast roasting has had upon the industry as a whole. In spite of the prevailing belief, it may be said that lead smelting, in common with other metallurgical industries, has made steady and substantial progress. It is the purpose of the present paper to discuss briefly some features of the industry as it is now conducted, with special reference to the blast-furnace practice in the larger silver-lead smelting plants of the United States and Mexico.

Jan 1, 1915

By Victor Homerberg

A STUDY of the correlation of the mechanical properties, and of the microstructure with the heat treatment of 60-40 brass has been confined, heretofore, to the rolled or extruded material as received from the manufacturer. The results obtained by Babson and Buhler,1 Bengough and Hudson,2 Stead and Stedman,3 and Brayton4 have been confined to the treatment of the material as received. No attempt was made to get the material into a given condition and then to work from this basis. To start with a given structure would have the decided advantage of making the work independent of the original condition, hence, to make the results reproduceable. In a previous paper, it was shown, in connection with the study of the transformation that occurs at about 470° C., that if specimens were quenched to produce the beta structure and then reheated, the beta would begin to break down, at approximately 200° C., into a very finely divided alpha. It was predicted that important results might be obtained if test pieces were to be given a similar double heat treatment and then tested for the mechanical properties as well as a study of the microstructure. The material used in the present investigation was a ¾ -in. round bar of extruded muntz metal of the following composition: Copper, 61.05 per cent.; zinc (by difference), 38.90 per cent.; lead, 0.05 per cent.; iron, trace; tin, nil.

Jan 3, 1924

By Leonard C. Grimshaw

Diffusion of carbon from gases into iron has been the object of much research, because of its long recognized importance in carburizing processes, but the direct diffusion of carbon from steel into iron has received relatively little attention. Because of the increasing use of clad metals in industry, direct diffusion from steel into iron is becoming of practical importance. Therefore, the object of this investigation was to study the diffusion of carbon from several different kinds of steel directly into relatively pure iron, realizing that elements in the steels other than carbon might influence the rate of carbon diffusion. The previous work on diffusion of carbon into iron has been considerable, and includes many reports in foreign languages. This work has recently been well reviewed by Mehll and Krynitsky12 and the reader is referred to their excellent bibliographies. Methods of Study There are two main methods by which the direct diffusion of carbon from steel into iron may be studied. In one method, steel is first decar-burized in part, and diffusion of carbon then allowed to take place from the steel into the decarburized steel. This method is open to two serious objections: (1) the decarburized steel is not iron, but contains elements such as manganese, silicon, chromium or tungsten, which may be an essential part of the steel under study, and which may seriously influence the diffusion of carbon into the decarburized area; (2) there is from the start of diffusion an unknown carbon-concentration gradient between the steel and the decarburized area. Another method, which possesses neither of these disadvantages, is to study diffusion from steel into a thick plating of electrolytic iron. Herc the chief difficulty is to secure an electrolytic deposit of iron upon steel without introducing an oxide film at the interface that will interfere with diffusion. The author is able to deposit iron upon any kind of steel without introducing an oxide film at the interface, so that diffusion of elements from the steel into the iron is free to proceed unhindered.

Jan 1, 1938

By Leonard C. Grimshaw

Diffusion of carbon from gases into iron has been the object of much research, because of its long recognized importance in carburizing processes, but the direct diffusion of carbon from steel into iron has received relatively little attention. Because of the increasing use of clad metals in industry, direct diffusion from steel into iron is becoming of practical importance. Therefore, the object of this investigation was to study the diffusion of carbon from several different kinds of steel directly into relatively pure iron, realizing that elements in the steels other than carbon might influence the rate of carbon diffusion. The previous work on diffusion of carbon into iron has been considerable, and includes many reports in foreign languages. This work has recently been well reviewed by Mehll and Krynitsky12 and the reader is referred to their excellent bibliographies. Methods of Study There are two main methods by which the direct diffusion of carbon from steel into iron may be studied. In one method, steel is first decar-burized in part, and diffusion of carbon then allowed to take place from the steel into the decarburized steel. This method is open to two serious objections: (1) the decarburized steel is not iron, but contains elements such as manganese, silicon, chromium or tungsten, which may be an essential part of the steel under study, and which may seriously influence the diffusion of carbon into the decarburized area; (2) there is from the start of diffusion an unknown carbon-concentration gradient between the steel and the decarburized area. Another method, which possesses neither of these disadvantages, is to study diffusion from steel into a thick plating of electrolytic iron. Herc the chief difficulty is to secure an electrolytic deposit of iron upon steel without introducing an oxide film at the interface that will interfere with diffusion. The author is able to deposit iron upon any kind of steel without introducing an oxide film at the interface, so that diffusion of elements from the steel into the iron is free to proceed unhindered.

Jan 1, 1938

By W. C. Coffin

The refractory linings of open-hearth steel furnaces above the bath line are subject to severe wear not only from the heat caused by the combustion of the fuel and the reactions of the bath, but also from the melting action of the gases when not controlled and directed, and from the scouring of the oxides, etc. with which the products of combustion are charged. The framework that encases or binds the furnace is made up primarily of an iron or steel pan in which the furnace proper is built, side and end buckstays, and tie-rods. The expansion and contraction are so great and variable that the bindings may be subjected to severe stresses unless the tie-rods are carefully adjusted in heating up the furnace, but they are most affected by direct heat and usually become deformed from that cause when the lining is worn thin and, sometimes, when sections of the lining fall in and expose some of the framework. A deformed framework displaces the skewback of the roof arch and tends to distort or crush the roof. Bent buckstays deform the front wall, causing the door frames to stand away from the lining so that the gases burn between the lining and the frames, destroying both of them. Frequently the frames are attached to the buckstays; then when the latter bend the frames usually break. Preventing the distortion of the framework and maintaining the economy of the refractories are real factors in the cost of steel making. Nat only does the cost of general repairs and reconstruction add directly to the cost of steel produced, but the time lost in making repairs cuts down the steel production and increases the overhead expense of both the furnace shop and its allied foundry or mills. Many years ago water-cooled equipment applied to iron blast furnaces made it possible to increase greatly not only the size and production of the furnaces but also the life of the lining. It also cut down the loss from frequent repairs. The open-hearth furnace is a much later invention, especially as a commercial factor; for though it dates from the Fred Siemens patent of 1856, much more progress was made in the Bessemer process until the latter eighties and most of the development

Jan 1, 1920

By H. M. Chance

Adequate treatment of the difficulties surrounding the valuation of mineral lands requires that agreement be first reached defining value as understood for the purpose of appraisal. To define value as the price of a product is not sufficient, and does not assist us in using the factors that cause variations in values and in relative values. The real value of any product depends primarily upon its relation to the necessities, comforts and pleasures of mankind. As the necessities, comforts and pleasures of the civilized races differ from those of more primitive man, the value of products varies with the degree of civilization and the environment of the consumer. Coal has no value to the savages of warm climates, and arrow-head flint none to the residents of New York. It has long been recognized that what has been termed " intrinsic value " must be limited to materials that are essential to existence—air, water, food. But " intriusic value" cannot be measured in monetary terms. The intrinsic value of a bushel of wheat is due to the fact that it will support the life of an individual for a certain definite time, but this fact does not enable us to measure or to express that value in monetary terms. It has often been proposed to adopt as a measure of the value of any product the quantity of labor necessary to produce it, but this method is of limited application, and will not apply to what may be termed " intrinsic values." For many reasons it might be well, while assenting to the fact that any material may be intrinsically valuable, to abandon the use of the term " intrinsic value." One of these reasons is the tendency to confuse the idea of intrinsic value with a value that is conferred by economic conditions, that is purely artificial and that may be permanent or evanescent. Intrinsic value must from its nature be permanent and unchangeable. Possibly for present purposes the value of any material may be considered as having a dual origin: First, that due to economic

Jan 1, 1914

IN the early period of steelmaking, ingot structure and segregation were of no practical importance. Crucible melting required very small ingots that gave little segregation, and a small inserted hot top prevented pipe. As larger ingots were poured from bessemer converters and open-hearth furnaces, segrega- [ ] tion, piping, and gas evolution became increasingly important. The techniques of making semikilled and rimmed ingots were developed with little knowledge of the actual mechanism of the process. The first studies of solidification were made by the Brearleys1 and Gathmann,2- who used stearine to show the effects of shrinkage and mold shape. Fig 11-1 is a picture of a series of stearine ingots at various stages of solidification. These studies showed that the liquid solidifies at a nearly uniform rate from the sides and bottom of the mold and demonstrated the formation of

Jan 1, 1964

By A. C. Fieldner, Lester L. Hirst, Henry H. Storch

Experimental work on liquefaction of coal was taken up by the Bureau of Mines in 1936 when it became evident that a prudent policy from the national point of view should include preparation for the time when gradual exhaustion of petroleum resources would require supplementing the growing demand for motor fuel with gasoline and diesel oil from coal. At that time (1936) certain foreign nations that had no home sources of petroleum, especially Germany, England, and Japan, were conducting active research and at least two of them were producing liquid fuel from coal on a commercial scale. Germany was reported to have an annual producing capacity of 800,000 metric tons of gasoline per year, and England had just put into operation the Billingham plant of Imperial Chemical Industries for the hydrogehation of bituminous coal and tar by the Bergius-I.G. process. The annual capacity of this plant was about 150,000 long tons of gasoline per annum (3500 bbl. per day). With these developments taking place in foreign countries, it seemed important to undertake a long-range program of fundamental research in this country to establish a sound groundwork for the evaluation of foreign work on synthetic liquid fuels and at the same time to obtain data on the oil yields and operating difficulties using various kinds of American coals and lignite to the hydrogenation process. The results of such research would be useful in determining the yields and quality of liquid products obtainable from various coals so that American industry would be in position to select the most suitable coals and make rapid progress in establishing this new industry when the commercial need should arise. It was hoped, also, that progress in a better understanding of the chemistry of coal hydrogenation would reduce the cost of the process materially. To carry out this program, a small continuous unit capable of hydrogenating 100 Ib. of coal in 24 hr. was installed at the Central Experiment Station of the Bureau of Mines at Pittsburgh, Pa. Small steel autoclaves or bombs of 0.3 gal. (1.2 liters) capacity also were used for batch-hydro-genation experiments in the study of the chemical fundamentals of the process. Much valuable assistance was obtained in planning the experimental program and designing the equipment from the Fuel Research Station of Great Britain and the Fuel Laboratories of the Mines Department of Canada, where such investigations had been in progress for several years. Equipment and General Procedure of Research The industrial liquefaction of coal by the Bergius-I.G. hydrogenation process as practiced at Billingham, England, from

Jan 1, 1944

By Lester L. Hirst, Henry H. Storch, A. C. Fieldner

Experimental work on liquefaction of coal was taken up by the Bureau of Mines in 1936 when it became evident that a prudent policy from the national point of view should include preparation for the time when gradual exhaustion of petroleum resources would require supplementing the growing demand for motor fuel with gasoline and diesel oil from coal. At that time (1936) certain foreign nations that had no home sources of petroleum, especially Germany, England, and Japan, were conducting active research and at least two of them were producing liquid fuel from coal on a commercial scale. Germany was reported to have an annual producing capacity of 800,000 metric tons of gasoline per year, and England had just put into operation the Billingham plant of Imperial Chemical Industries for the hydrogehation of bituminous coal and tar by the Bergius-I.G. process. The annual capacity of this plant was about 150,000 long tons of gasoline per annum (3500 bbl. per day). With these developments taking place in foreign countries, it seemed important to undertake a long-range program of fundamental research in this country to establish a sound groundwork for the evaluation of foreign work on synthetic liquid fuels and at the same time to obtain data on the oil yields and operating difficulties using various kinds of American coals and lignite to the hydrogenation process. The results of such research would be useful in determining the yields and quality of liquid products obtainable from various coals so that American industry would be in position to select the most suitable coals and make rapid progress in establishing this new industry when the commercial need should arise. It was hoped, also, that progress in a better understanding of the chemistry of coal hydrogenation would reduce the cost of the process materially. To carry out this program, a small continuous unit capable of hydrogenating 100 Ib. of coal in 24 hr. was installed at the Central Experiment Station of the Bureau of Mines at Pittsburgh, Pa. Small steel autoclaves or bombs of 0.3 gal. (1.2 liters) capacity also were used for batch-hydro-genation experiments in the study of the chemical fundamentals of the process. Much valuable assistance was obtained in planning the experimental program and designing the equipment from the Fuel Research Station of Great Britain and the Fuel Laboratories of the Mines Department of Canada, where such investigations had been in progress for several years. Equipment and General Procedure of Research The industrial liquefaction of coal by the Bergius-I.G. hydrogenation process as practiced at Billingham, England, from

Jan 1, 1944

By A. R. Troiano, A. B. Greninger

There is need for an adequate working hypothesis that would describe at least qualitatively the crystallographic mechanism for the transformation from austenite to martensite in steel. A general theory would not only be of great assistance in the correlation of existing data and in planning future experimentation, but would also form the basis for an eventual explanation of the property changes that accompany lattice transformations. The mechanism of martensite formation described in the following pages is the outcome of two new experimental determinations: (1) the accurate evaluation of the lattice relationship between austenite and individual crystals of martensite, and (2) the measurement and analysis of the change in position that a volume of austenite undergoes when it transforms into a crystal of martensite. For this latter study, the stereographic analysis of shear was employed; this method greatly simplifies the solution of lattice-shear problems, and some space is devoted to its description. Lattiice Relationships and Habits PREVIOUS WORK The lattice relationships between austenite and martensite in carbon steels have been studied by Kurdjurnow-and Sachs,' and by Wassermann;2 and in iron-nickel alloys by Nishiyama.3 Wassermann,2 and Mehl and Derge.4 The studies by Kurdjumow and Sachs and by Wassermann were made on single (austenite) crystals of quenched 1.4 pct carbon steel, and the results of these two independent studies agree closely with the postulated lattice relationships: (III)r||(0ll)a [101]r [111]a [1] Both Nishiyama and Wassermann worked with an alloy of iron plus 30 pct nickel (all austenite at room temperature), and "martensitic alpha" was formed by cooling in liquid air. They agree that the lattice relationships for these conditions are: (lll)r||(011)a [112]r[011]a [2] Mehl and Derge worked with a range of iron-nickel alloy compositions centered about 30 pct nickel. They concluded that when the transformation takes place near room temperature or above, relationship [l] holds, but if the same specimen is made to transform at -195°C, relationship [2] obtains;intermediate temperatures evidently produced a combination of these two relationships. Sachs and co-worker~,1,7 as well as Nishiyama,3 have proposed transformation mechanisms for martensite formation.* Both of the mechanisms picture the transformation as initiated by shearing movements along the octahedral [Ill] plane of austenite, followed by suitable expansion and contraction to complete the transformation. These mechanisms have been described and commented upon by Mehl, Barrett, and Smith,8 Mehl and Derge,4 Wassermann,2 and others, and generally accepted by investigators in this field. Greninger and Troiano9 have recently published the results of a detailed study of the shapes and orientation habits of martensite crystals in plain-carbon and nickel steels. They found that, contrary to previous assumptions, martensite plates form not along the octahedral planes but along austenite planes of very high indices; these results were in line with those of previous studies of martensite reactions in nonferrous alloy systems by Greninger and coworkers.6,10 Greninger and Troiano concluded that the transformation theories of Kurdjumow and Sachsl and of Nishiyama3 are untenable. Phragmén11 reached a similar conclusion. EXPERlMENTAL METHODS The object of this particular study was the evaluation of (1) lattice relationship between austenite and martensite, and (2) relationship between the martensite lattice and the martensite plate. The technique used for solving these problems was similar to that used by Greninger6 on martensitic structures in 8 copper-aluminum alloys. Briefly, the method consists of grinding and polishing a specimen on a surface parallel to an individual martensite plate and thus exposing a single martensite crystal for an area of l to 3 mm. The orientation of this exposed martensite crystal is then determined by means of a back-reflection Laue X ray pattern.12 Another pattern is obtained from the matrix crystal, and a stereo-graphic plot of data from these two patterns then provides the solution to the problem. It is necessary to repeat this process on several crystals in order to determine whether or not the solution is unique.

Jan 1, 1950

By V. W. Aubel

Among the iron-bearing ores of the world, the titaniferous iron sands of New Zealand are probably the least known to American engineers. This is not surprising in view of the fact that American ironmasters look with disfavor on any, even domestic, ores containing over 1 per cent. titanium. The possibilities of smelting titanium-bearing ores in the blast furnace are still undetermined, but the problem of their efficient reduction is becoming more important each year. There seems to be little inclination on the part of American furnace operators to tackle this problem, and they will no doubt continue to utilize the non-titanium ores at their command, leaving research and experiment to those countries not so fortunately endowed. New Zealand has, however, been intensely interested in her deposits of titanium-bearing iron sand, and during the last 50 years considerable English and New Zealand capital has been expended on this problem. The extent of the New Zealand iron-sand deposits is almost beyond measure. From Patea north to Manuka Heads, along almost the entire west coast of the North Island, these deposits exist. Wherever there is beach sand along this 300 mi. of coast line, the sand is iron bearing. It varies considerably in grade; but wherever the contour of the coast affords small bays and inlets, large dunes are found that are remarkably uniform in quality. Several of these large deposits, especially those at New Plymouth and Patea, are noted for their high iron content. The dune at New Plymouth runs between 55 and 60 per cent. of metallic iron; the panning action of the prevailing westerly winds and northwesterly currents has no doubt resulted in this concentration. Whatever the origin of this material may be, there is no doubt that deposition is going on continuously. At New Plymouth, a small artificial harbor, protected from the drifting sand by a large breakwall, has been dredged. Here sailing vessels have for years been loaded with iron sand for ballast by means of a crane and grab bucket operated from the wall of the breakwater. Thousands of tons of sand have been removed from this spot yet each succeeding storm renews the supply. The sand dune shown in Fig. 1 has been tested to a depth of 50 ft. (15 m.) without losing its

Jan 1, 1920

By Noel H. Stearn

To the successful functioning of the geomagnetic method of exploration in engineering and geological practice there are two prime prerequisites : the measurability and the interpretability of significant magnetic anomalies. A magnetic anomaly may be defined as a permanent distortion of the earth's magnetic field, in order to distinguish it frog the distortions, either cyclic or irregular, which vary with time. So far as known, time fluctations have no directly assignable geologic significance in terms of rock formations, while anomalies may be considered to be directly caused by the difference in the magnetic properties within and between the formations of the substances that make up the earth's outer shell. As is effectively pointed out by L. B. Slichter,1 the effects which these differences produce on the magnetic field may be extremely minute or extremely great, depending upon the magnetic properties of the formations. Thus the actual anomalies may range from the infinitesimal to a magnitude considerably greater than that of the earth's field. The geomagnetic method of exploration has shared in the deluge of experimental effort which has lately swept geophysical prospecting to its present important place in engineering and geologic practice. But to date more of this effort has been expended upon the measurability of anomalies than upon their interpretability. The tendency has been to strive for the development of instruments and especially field techniques capable of measuring minute anomalies with a precision far beyond that for which there can be any hope of adequate interpretation other than as interesting phenomena having numerous possible causes. Such efforts, of course, are highly commendable in the field of so-called pure science, which includes the accumulation of undigested detailed observations and admits of interpretation by multiple hypotheses, but in engineering practice the factor of economy must enter. Those instruments and techniques are most desirable which can most rapidly measure the interpretable range of anomalies with the precision necessary

Jan 1, 1932

By John J. Curzon

The existence of mineralized ground in the area near Lake Chelan has been known since 1887, when Major A. B. Rogers, a locating engineer for the Great Northern Railway, came up Lake Chelan to Railroad Creek in search of a pass over the Cascade Mountains. The steep mountainsides near the crest of the Cascades proved too difficult for railroad construction, and the project was abandoned. Upon his return to Seattle, Major Rogers apparently told his friends, the Denny family, about the large, red, oxidized patches he had seen on the valley walls along Railroad Creek. The Dennys, being true pioneers in spirit, grubstaked J. H. Holden to explore the area and to stake any promising mining ground, and thus began the chain of events that culminated in the construction of the plant that is now known as the Chelan Division of the Howe Sound Company. Holden staked the first group of claims in 1892. Soon afterward, A. H. Murdock, who was then a storekeeper in Chelan, and who is still living at Waterville, and his partner, W. P. Robinson, staked adjacent ground. These two groups of claims formed a substantial part of the mining property being worked today. During the period from the original staking in 1892 up to 1928, when the Britannia Mining and Smelting Co. optioned the property, many attempts were made to bring the property into production, through the formation of several stock companies and by examination and testing by engineers from several well-known mining companies. Although the Britannia organization optioned the property in 1928, not much was done until 1930, when a subsidiary was formed—the Chelan Copper Mining Co.—to explore further the possibilities of the ground. Some work was done during the next few years, but it was not until March 1937 that the Chelan Division of the Howe Sound Co. took over with a program of "full speed ahead," and active development of the mine and construction of the complete plant was begun, including docks, tug and barges, 54 miles of power line, 11 miles of road, mill, shop buildings and complete camp. Production began in April 1938, and has continued without interruption, except for regular change days and holidays and a six-weeks strike in 1939. This interval of time has seen the gradual evolution of a mine and mill originally planned for a rate of 1000 tons per day into a compact operation that last year averaged 2264 tons per operating day. This operation, although rather small when compared with the large copper producers of the Southwest, is important to the state of Washington for several reasons: It has provided employment for several hundred people continuously since construction days in 1937; it has helped materially in the war effort, through production of vital copper and zinc, without which no war can be won; and last, but not least, it has conclusively refuted the old pessimistic arguments that a successful mine would never be found in the Cascade Mountains of Washington. The Holden mine has been producing

Jan 1, 1946

By I. R. Kramer

Single crystals of aluminum were pulled in tension in a solution of paraffin oil and stearic acid. The critical resolved shear stress did not change with the concentration of the stearic acid solution; however, the extents and slopes of Stages I and II were affected greatly. The observations lend evidence that the weakening effect of surface-active agents is controlled by the rate of desorption of the metal soap formed by the reaction of the surface-active agent and the metal surface. IT has been shown by various investigators1-" that surface-active agents markedly affect the mechanical properties of single crystals. (A surface-active agent, for the purpose of this report, is defined as a long-chain organic molecule which contains one or more polar groups. Usually, however, investigations have considered only molecules having one polar group.) In general, when single crystals are deformed in some solutions containing surface-active agents, the creep rate, Fig. 1, is increased and the yield strength is decreased. The fatigue strength has been reported to be affected also.ll Rehbinder and his asociatesl' explained the "weakening" effect of surface-active agents in terms of physical adsorption. They assumed that a large pressure was created in microcracks which existed on the surface of the crystal." Harper and Cottrell,' from their study of the effects of surface conditions, found that the deformation characteristics of zinc single crystals were not altered by a solution containing a surface-active agent unless the surface of the specimen had an oxidized surface. They concluded that the role of the polar molecule was to remove the strengthening effect of the oxide coating. Later, And-radeetBpresented additional evidence which appeared to agree with this conclusion. In contrast, Klinken-berg et al.7 reported data which confirmed the results of Rehbinder. Using zinc and cadmium crystals which had been cleaned by electrolytic polishing, a large increase in the creep rate was observed when Lle specimens were tested in a 1 pct oleic acid-paraffin oil solution. They also reported that the creep rate

Jan 1, 1962

By F. H. Parsons

At the time that converting or bessemerizing of copper matte first began to be practiced by the smelters in the copper industry, converters were lined by tamping the flux, usually siliceous ore, into the steel shell. About 1910, practice in several plants had demonstrated the superiority of a basic lining of nonfluxing material and the addition of flux through the mouth of the converter. Adoption of the new method by nearly the entire industry followed. Basic linings are made of refractory "magnesite" brick manufactured, usually, from imported dead-burned magnesite. Either the linings are laid up in the shell dry or the bricks arc bonded with some mortar dictated by the preference of the user. Foreign, usually Austrian, magnesite was the main source of supply for these bricks, although there were domestic sources, but it was not until costs began to rise a few years after the first use of basic linings that these domestic sources were investigated to any great extent. Exigencies created by the World War necessitated the use of the domestic magnesite during this period, but the brick manufacturers reverted to the use of the foreign product after the war, because the impurities therein made a brick with a better fire bond than the purer domestic magnesite. Therefore the domestic product became available at a favorable price for any metallurgical process that permitted its use. The United Verde converting practice using magnesite linings has resulted in a high consumption of magnesite because of the zinc content of the low-grade matte. It was realized that the cost of these linings represented a large portion of the cost of converting, and an investigation was started to find means by which these costs might be lowered. In the neighboring state of California rather pure magnesite was being mined and treated for the market. The product, however, was purposely made to simulate the dead-burned grain magnesite product from foreign sources by the addition of fluxing impurities before burning. It was learned that this dead-burned California grain magnesite could be laid down in Arizona at a price one-third that of the same tonnage of "magnesite" brick manufactured from foreign magnesite. It was also learned that at least one California producer was ready to supply the market with periclase, which was a grain magnesia produced by burning the

Jan 1, 1934

By Raymond Edmundson

BARITE probably was first mined in the United States in 1845, when a small deposit was operated in Prince William County, Virginia1. The next state to produce barite was Missouri, and according to Weigel2, mining began about 1860. Virginia was the leading producer during the early period of barite mining, but by 1893, Missouri was producing almost an equal amount3. From this date, Virginia, although not the leading producer, furnished large quantities of crude barite until oper-ations gradually declined about 1907. Since 1910, there has been only one producer in Virginia. It is not known when barite was discovered in each of the Virginia areas (Fig. 1), but it is reliably reported that mining on a commercial scale began in Campbell-Pittsylvania counties about 1874; Smyth County in 1877; and in the Russell-Tazewell area about 1890. Barite is widely distributed in Virginia, occurring in nineteen counties. The localities that contain material of some economic value have been grouped into six areas (Fig. 1), each designated by the county or counties in which the barite is found. As many of the smaller areas show a similarity in geologic occurrence, they will be considered in this paper as two major groups; namely, Appalachian Valley and Piedmont Province. The first group, which includes the barite deposits of Russell, Tazewell, Smyth, Botetourt and Roanoke counties, lies northwest of the Blue Ridge and its foothills and southeast of the Appalachian plateaus. The other group includes deposits from the Blue Ridge on the west to the western margin of the Coastal Plain, in Campbell, Pittsylvania, Bedford, Grayson, and Fauquier counties.

Jan 1, 1936

MINING, to be precise, ends when the ore is delivered to a bin outside the mine. Usually the next step is concentrating; or, as it is more often called, milling. A few elementary definitions will help make clear the discussion that is to follow. A rock is an aggregate of minerals; copper ore is rock that contains copper-bearing minerals in quantity sufficient to make it profitable to mine and recover the copper in the form of marketable metal. Manifestly, under a literal interpretation, a mass of material might be copper ore one day and merely copper-bearing waste rock a week later, if the price of copper happened to drop in the interim. Emphasis already has been placed on the expansion that took place in the ore reserves of the Porphyry companies as a consequence of the great strides made in the technique of mining and ore treatment. So, even if one inserted a qualifying phrase, "at an average price for the metal," after the word "profitable," the definition would still be open to criticism. Place is another factor. It is evident that a body of excellent ore in Arizona might cease to be ore in the economic sense if it were moved intact to the interior of China. However, it is with ore in its technical and scientific aspect that this chapter is concerned. Speaking in general terms, the ton of Porphyry ore as it arrives at the surface contains 25 to 70 lb. of copper minerals in the form of disseminated particles or thin coats along fracture planes. When subjected to appropriate treatment this ton yields 12 to 40 lb. of metallic copper. These ranges take into account conditions of today and of 25 years ago. Two procedures are available: (1) concentration, followed by smelting of the concentrate, or (2) leaching and precipitation, usually by electrolytic deposition. Smelting and leaching are metallurgic processes in that they involve chemical change; concentration

Jan 1, 1933

INTRODUCTION The regional characteristics of porphyry copper deposits in South America southward from Pantanos and Pegadorcito, Columbia, will be summarized. The age of formation of deposits spans the period from the Permian to the present. Where possible, the general characteristics and the individual structural features of the deposits are integrated into the plate tectonic model. Individual deposits cited in this chapter, located in Fig. 1, are the best known and most fully described, and form the Andean copper belt (Peterson, 1958). Smaller porphyry copper deposits fall both east and west of the line of large, high grade deposits (e.g., Chuquicamata and Toquepala) that make up the spine of this belt. Most of those smaller deposits (e.g., Mi Vida [Koukharsky and Mirre, 19761) are omitted from Fig. 1 and Tables 1 and 2, however. Neither the Andean orogen nor the individual deposits within it are as well de- scribed in the literature as are their counter- parts in the Cordilleran orogen of North America. Therefore, generalizations relying on regional geologic mapping, geophysics, and isotopic geochemistry lack details pertinent to this type of deposit in the Cordilleran orogen. The South American porphyry copper province has been described by Hollister ( 1974) to include most of the Andean orogen excepting the tin province of Bolivia. Porphyry copper deposits have not been commonly found within the tin belt, although copper-tin (e.g., San Rafael, Peru) and copper-tungsten (e.g., Llamuco, Chile) de- posits are known. James (1971) shows the depth to the Moho to be appreciably greater where the tin belt exists, but disclaims any genetic significance from the coincident appearance of the tin-tungsten province and the inhibition of porphyry copper development where the sialic crust thickens. Dates on tin mineralization in this belt (Clark and Farrar, 1973) are similar to some dates for porphyry copper mineralization known else- where in the Andean orogen. It seems that some mechanism is needed to explain the geographic separation of porphyry copper- molybdenum and simultaneous tin-tungsten- molybdenum metallization within the same tectonic system and appearing at similar distances from the trench. The thickened crust of the tin belt is one of the few known differences. Tables 1 and 2 list some of the most important porphyry copper deposits explored to date, but do not include Antaminas, Peru. or a number of other large skarn deposits

Jan 1, 1978

By John D. Erickson

The concepts of long-range, open pit planning presented here are not new. The new idea is how the factors that control the location of the final pit limits can be considered altogether as one large, simultaneous equation. The X, or unknown quantity that is being solved for, is a long-range pit design that fulfills the desired objectives. The objectives of a final pit plan are determination of the extent and location of ore reserves, the allowable stripping necessary to uncover the ore, the final pit surface intercept, final pit topography and the contained metal values in both ore and waste.

Jan 4, 1968

By Randolph Specht

A two year study was made of the waste disposal of the pebble rock phosphate industry. Solid slimes are impounded in large settling areas and the process water is re-used. Clear effluent was not found to be toxic to fish or animal life in field tests or in controlled experiments.

Jan 7, 1950