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By Charles W. Goodale

The purpose of this paper is to review the history of the Drumlummon, one of the famous old mines of the West. Mining engineers, when sent to examine new mines in old districts, or, to decide whether an old property, under new conditions, will pay to reopen, have had difficulty in learning anything authentic regarding workings which are under water, and historical facts about the working character of the ore, the total production, and the value of the ore with increasing depth. 'Not many years elapse after the pumps are pulled, before maps, books and records are destroyed, and the value of the publications of the Institute would be increased if they contained the history of many old mines now abandoned. The unsuccessful efforts of the writer quite recently in trying to obtain reliable information about a gold mine which was reported to have produced several million dollars between 1880 and 1888, the workings of which are now partially caved and under water, impressed upon his mind the desirability of having a permanent record of old properties. In this particular case, the owners insisted that under present conditions of improved methods of treatment —particularly by the use of cyanide, which was not an applied process when the mine was operated, the property could be made to pay a handsome profit on ore left in sight in the old workings, but no assay records could be found to confirm these assurances, and even the records of bullion shipments had been destroyed. If surveys and maps were made as the work progressed, no trace of them could be found, and therefore opening of the ground through a new shaft and drifts therefrom would be attended by some risk while exploring near the old workings. Fatal accidents by flooding under these conditions have occurred, and as an evidence that miners have fears of such dangers, it was urged upon the Mining Committee during a recent session of the Montana Legislature, by a delegation of

Jan 1, 1915

By Charles Goodale

With notes on other mines of the Marysville district by WALTER McDERMOTT, London, England, and F. L. Sizer, Dos Cabezas, Ariz. (Salt Lake Meeting, August, 1914) THE purpose of this paper is to review the history of the Drumlummon, one of the famous old mines of the West. Mining engineers, when sent to examine new mines in old districts, or to decide whether an old property, under new conditions, will pay to re-open, have had difficulty in learning anything authentic regarding workings which are under water, and historical facts about the working character of the ore, the total production, and the value of the ore with increasing depth. Not many years elapse after the pumps are pulled, before maps, books and records are destroyed, and the value of the publications of the Institute would be increased if they contained the history of many old mines now abandoned. The unsuccessful efforts of the writer quite recently in trying to obtain reliable information about a gold mine which was reported to have produced several million dollars between 1880 and 1888, the workings of which are now partially caved and under water, impressed upon his mind the desirability of having a permanent record of old properties. In this particular case, the owners insisted that under present conditions of improved methods of treatment -particularly by the use of cyanide, which was not an applied process when the mine was operated, the property. could be made to pay a handsome profit on ore left in sight in the old workings, but no assay records could be found to confirm these assurances, and even the records of bullion shipments had been destroyed. If surveys and maps were made as the work progressed, no trace of them could be found, and therefore opening of the ground through a new shaft and drifts therefrom would be attended by some risk while exploring near the old workings. Fatal accidents by flooding under these conditions have occurred, and as an evidence that miners have fears of such dangers, it was urged upon the Mining Committee during a recent session of the Montana Legislature, by a delegation of

Jan 8, 1914

By John A. Emery, Frank G. Snyder

MINING geology has a threefold objective: to guide prospecting for new ore, to evaluate known orebodies as development risks, and to supply the detailed knowledge of ore structures necessary for more economical extraction. The role of geology in exploration is well established. This article will deal solely with orebody evaluation and the application of geology to development and mining problems as practiced by St. Joseph Lead Co. in the southeast Missouri district, which for many years has supplied approximately 30 pct of U. S. lead production. The primary concern of the present discussion is geology in the district, not geology of the district. The southeast Missouri district, locally called the Lead Belt, includes parts of St. Francois, Madison, and Washington counties. The first recorded mining was about 1720 at Mine La Motte in Madison County on surface showings of lead ore. Later discoveries near Bonne Terre, twenty-five miles to the north, led to extensive prospecting and underground mining. To date the district has yielded well over 8 million tons of pig lead, valued at more than $1 billion. By far the greater part of the lead production has come from an area of 50 sq miles, centering on the city of Flat River, as shown in Fig. 1. Role of Geology in Metal Mining The history of the use of geology in the older metal mining districts follows a simple consistent pattern that may be considered in terms of four distinct phases. Each geologic phase is a response to the economic status of the mining district; each has definite characteristics setting it apart from other phases; and each passes into the succeeding phase as the mining operation gradually exhausts the large, rich, easily discovered deposits and lives upon increasingly smaller, lower grade orebodies that are less easily found. The geologic phases and their major characteristics are as follows: Period of No Organized Geologic Program: During the early history of a great metal district ore is easily found by random prospecting and wildcat drilling. Many small operators are active, as profitable mining can be done with a relatively small capital outlay and a minimum of technical staff. Mining practice consists largely of sinking a shaft on an ore showing and following the ore in sight. When the ore is exhausted or becomes unprofitable to mine, the process is repeated on a new ore showing. The miners become familiar with certain ore habits and use this practical geologic knowledge to guide mining. The method is successful as long as large tracts of virgin mineralized area are available. This phase ends when small-scale mining methods are no longer profitable and the mines become consolidated into the hands of a few operators.

Jan 1, 1957

By Paul H. Price, John P. Nolting

The history of the salt industry in West Virginia dates back nearly two hundred years; howTever, the history of salt as an important raw material for the chemical industry is much more recent. The earliest record of West Virginia salt was in 1753, when a raiding party of Shawnee Indians attacked frontier settlements in Virginia taking captive a number of the pioneers. One of these, who later escaped and returned to her friends, described how the Indians camped at a salt spring on the banks of the Kanawha River and evaporated the water to obtain a supply of salt to take back to Ohio with them. Settlement of the Kanawha Valley began in 1774, that same year the Battle of Point Pleasant ended the Indian's power in the Ohio Valley; and settlement of the Kanawha Valley progressed rapidly with a consequent increase in the importance of the Kanawha Licks as a source of salt. In those days the evaporation of the brine was a family matter for which the family wash-kettle was commandeered. In 1797, Elisha Brooks erected the first salt furnace in the Kanawha Valley. It consisted of two dozen small kettles set in a double row, with a flue beneath, a chimney at one end, and a fire bed at the other. He obtained his brine at a depth of 20 to 30 ft by sinking hollow logs, called "gums" into the salt lick and dipping the brine with a bucket. His production was about 150 lb a day and sold for 8 to 10 cents a pound. In 1806, the Ruffner brothers, David and Joseph, prospected for and drilled the first well in America using a spring pole and steel chisel bit. After several failures they succeeded, in 1808, in drilling to a total depth of 59 ft where they secured a good flow of strong brine. Most standard drilling tools, jars, casing, and practically all the basic oil well drilling machinery now in use, were developed in the drilling of salt wells. To evaporate this brine, the brothers built a wood-burning furnace similar to that of Brooks but with a better arrangement and with more and larger kettles. When production was started they reduced the price of salt to 4 cents a pound. By 1817, there were some 30 salt furnaces in the Kanawha area. It was in this year that bituminous coal first was used as an industrial fuel. David Ruffner again pioneered the way by converting his furnace for the consumption of coal. This year also brought about the formation of the first trust which controlled production and set a price of 1 cent a pound for the salt.

Jan 1, 1950

By Henry Rumfelt

8.1-1. History and Description of Shovels. The history of excavating machinery is not clearly defined but the machines seem to have been originally developed for dredging activities, principally involving rivers and harbors. The first, as far as can be determined, was a steam "spoon dredge" developed by Grimshaw of Boulton and Watt of Sunderland, England, in 1796. The land machine forerunner of the present-day power shovel was not developed until 1835. It was invented by William Smith Otis, a young partner of a Philadelphia contracting firm by the name of Carmichael and Fairbanks. The moving force behind this invention was the heavy activity in railroad construction. From this early start the power shovel has developed from steam powering to internal-combution-engine powering and to electric powering. In both directions it has developed to its present state of a finely engineered and precision-built tool. Through the interim the railroad-type shovel, about a half-swing arrangement designed especially for making railroad cuts and mounted on rails, was developed. The rail-mounted shovel gradually gave way to the full revolving shovel. It was high on the list in 1912 and was practically extinct by 1927. From the beginning, a few of the small revolving shovels designed primarily for the general contractors' market had found their way into quarry and mining operations. During this same period, the stripping shovel had been introduced-a 2 ½ cu. yd., 100-ton, full revolving stripping machine with a 41 ft boom. Although this shovel was designed especially for stripping, it was also used for heavy-duty, open pit mining service. In 1925 the heavy-duty, full revolving quarry and mine machine was developed. Strip mining shovels evolved through a somewhat separate path. Hand digging plows and mule-drawn slip scrapers were first reported used by Kirkland, Blakeney and Groves near Danville, Illinois for strip mining

Jan 1, 1968

By Arch J. Alexander

This paper is a resume of a study undertaken by the West Virginia Department of Mines. The underlying and direct causes of accidents are determined in each occupational group. Then from this study, accident prevention courses, visual and written, are to be taken to the various working groups in the mines. THE causes of accidents in West Virginia mines follow the main pattern of coal industry accidents in the United States—falls of roof, ribs and face, 56 pct; from haulage, 25 to 30 pet; blasting, 3 pet; electrocutions, 3 pct; explosions, 2 pct; and other causes, about 10 pct. To arrive at some satisfactory conclusions regarding causes and prevention of mine accidents, the Department of Mines has made a study of all mine accidents, from 1945 to 1948, inclusive. During the last two years of this period, we did not have a major explosion, one that took the lives of as many as five men. The direct cause of these accidents is apparent in the reports but we who are making a close study into their frequency think that the virus lies much deeper, and we want to suggest an underlying cause. The rapid growth of the coal industry in West Virginia, the largest producer of bituminous coal, has resulted in a demand for manpower which probably has never been equaled in mining history. At the turn of the century, West Virginia had 24,635 men employed in and about her mines, and they produced 21,153,341 tons of coal a year. In 1948, there were 125,669 men employed, and coal production for the year was 168,589,033 tons, an average increase of 35 pct for each year since 1900. Over 100,000,000 tons of this increase were mined in the southern counties of the state. A safety analyst might read into the history of this development an underlying cause for accident occurrence. He might say that in such a vast, rapid development the available supply of trained miners became exhausted and that young, inexperienced men were employed in the mines by the thousands. Being unacquainted with the hazards of mining, it would be only natural for these young men to be injured or killed in too great a number. This assumption would not be borne out by the records. Men were not injured or killed in disproportionate numbers during their first years in a mine. The only reason we can give is that, during these years, they possessed an attribute of safety—CAUTION—to a much greater degree than in the years following. The coal companies in West Virginia that have been operating over a number of years have a nucleus of employees who have been with them ten, twenty, thirty, and forty years; many of them having gained all of their mining experience with one company. Their habits of work have been

Jan 1, 1951

By Arch J. Alexander

This paper is a resume of a study undertaken by the West Virginia Department of Mines. The underlying and direct causes of accidents are determined in each occupational group. Then from this study, accident prevention courses, visual and written, are to be taken to the various working groups in the mines. THE causes of accidents in West Virginia mines follow the main pattern of coal industry accidents in the United States—falls of roof, ribs and face, 56 pct; from haulage, 25 to 30 pet; blasting, 3 pet; electrocutions, 3 pct; explosions, 2 pct; and other causes, about 10 pct. To arrive at some satisfactory conclusions regarding causes and prevention of mine accidents, the Department of Mines has made a study of all mine accidents, from 1945 to 1948, inclusive. During the last two years of this period, we did not have a major explosion, one that took the lives of as many as five men. The direct cause of these accidents is apparent in the reports but we who are making a close study into their frequency think that the virus lies much deeper, and we want to suggest an underlying cause. The rapid growth of the coal industry in West Virginia, the largest producer of bituminous coal, has resulted in a demand for manpower which probably has never been equaled in mining history. At the turn of the century, West Virginia had 24,635 men employed in and about her mines, and they produced 21,153,341 tons of coal a year. In 1948, there were 125,669 men employed, and coal production for the year was 168,589,033 tons, an average increase of 35 pct for each year since 1900. Over 100,000,000 tons of this increase were mined in the southern counties of the state. A safety analyst might read into the history of this development an underlying cause for accident occurrence. He might say that in such a vast, rapid development the available supply of trained miners became exhausted and that young, inexperienced men were employed in the mines by the thousands. Being unacquainted with the hazards of mining, it would be only natural for these young men to be injured or killed in too great a number. This assumption would not be borne out by the records. Men were not injured or killed in disproportionate numbers during their first years in a mine. The only reason we can give is that, during these years, they possessed an attribute of safety—CAUTION—to a much greater degree than in the years following. The coal companies in West Virginia that have been operating over a number of years have a nucleus of employees who have been with them ten, twenty, thirty, and forty years; many of them having gained all of their mining experience with one company. Their habits of work have been

Jan 1, 1951

By F. H. Allen, R. P. Roe

The performance history of a volumetric gas condensate reservoir is presented. Curves depict the pressure-production relation and illustrate the phace behavior of the reservoir fluid. This performance is compared to calculated performance. This Bacon Lime Reservoir was discovered in 1941 and has been produced to field separators and gas sales. Reservoir performance has been observed by periodic bottom hole pressure sur. veys and companion sample analysis of well effluents, in addition to gas and condensate production data. , The pressure-production history demonstrates that the reservoir has produced under volumetric control. The "retrograde" behavior of the reservoir fluid is illustrated by decreasing butanes-plus content of the well effluent, followed by revaporization as the reservoir pressure approaches abandonment. Calculated performance predictions are compared to actual performance and some discussion offered on apparent discrepancies. INTRODUCTION Since the late 1930's, many gas condensate reservoirs have been developed, the retrograde theory of phase behavior has been generally accepted, and a number of cycling programs have been initiated. Numerous technical papers have since appeared in the literature dealing with the theory and application of cycling the gas condensate reservoirs. Some cycling operations have now advanced to a stage where it is possible to determine performance characteristics to a fair degree of accuracy. Field performance data for gas condensate reservoirs operated by pressure depletion have not been so extensively reported in the literature, although their probable behavior has been discussed in explanation of the retrograde theory. It is the purpose of this paper to compare calculated theoretical reservoir performance with field observations and well stream analyze; which have been obtained throughout the practical producing life of a small volumetric gas condensate reservoir. The reservoir under study is the Bacon Lime Zone of a field located in East Texas. The Bacon Lime occurs in the Lower Glen Rose Formation of Cretaceous Age. This Bacon Lime Reservoir is encountered at an average depth of 7600 ft (7203 ft subsea elevation) and comprises approximately 3100 acres located on a structural high with 80 ft of productive closure. The producing formation consists of approximately 50 ft of dense crystalline fossiliferous dolomite of generally low permeability with typical wide variation in both permeability and porosity, the more permeable stringers measuring 30 to 40 millidarcys. The average porosity is extimated to be 10 per cent with a connate water saturation of approximately 30 per cent of the pore space. The reservoir temperature was found to be 220°F and the original pressure was 3691 psia at -7200 ft elevation. The re ervoir was discovered in November, 1.941, and is now essentially depleted, Throughout most of its productive life, from the standpoint of cumulative withdrawals, the reservoir has been produced by five wells. During its latter stages of depletion, 16 wells were completed in the Bacon Lime.

Jan 1, 1950

By J. W. Spretnak, G. W. Cunningham

Grain growth across the bond region in Pressure bonded copper was found to be mainly dependent upon the presence or absence of microvoids, but it was also found that prior history, bonding pressure, bonding time, and bonding temperature are important variables. An increase in pressure, time, or temperature tends to promote grain growth in the interfacial region. Polygonization is observed after pressure bonding except for specimens previously annealed at temperatures on the order of 1800°F or higher. The dislocation density in bonded specimens was found to be greater in the bond region. THE bonding of metals by the application of gas pressure at elevated temperatures is a relatively new process, having been developed over the past 10 years. The technique, as described by Paprocki, Hodge, and Boyer,l is unique in that assemblies of many parts and complex shapes can be bonded with a negligible amount of deformation. The process thus differs metallurgically from pressure welding, cold welding, and recrystallization welding in that deformation occurs only in a microscopic region whereas, in general, the welding requires severe deformation and may extend the contact surface by a factor of 3 to 10 during the welding. From a practical standpoint, pressure welding is not amenable for bonding large surfaces. During the time in which Paprocki and coworkers were deve1oping the process, West2 established aproc-ess,for bonding aluminum to uranium, and Barnes and Maze? developed a gas-pressure-bonding technique for nickel and copper. Recently, Fugardi and Zambro4 have used equipment similar to that developed by Paprocki and coworkers to establish parameters for bonding stainless steel, aluminum, and zirconium. Most of the investigations on pressure bonding have been empirical in nature and, although methods have been developed for bonding such metals as molybdenum, columbium, titanium, zirconium, and stainless steel, the information concerning the mechanism of bonding is limited. Several workers5"7 have studied the pressure bonding of dissimilar metals in order to gain information on diffusion and formation of inter-metallic phases under application of pressure. Clapson and Robbins8 have shown by a series of annealing studies that voids in the interfacial boundary of roll-bonded copper can prevent movement of the boundary until the voids are spaced far enough apart to prevent pinning. They also indicated that recrystallization and grain growth can eliminate the voids. In this paper it is shown that voids are the major detriment to grain growth across pressure-bonded interfaces, but it is also shown that prior history, bonding pressure, bonding time, and bonding temperature are

Jan 1, 1962

By Leo F. Reinartz

The history of steelmaking in the United States is a fascinating story of determination, sudden tragedy, exploitation, and inventive genius rolled into one gigantic plot. Mr. Reinartz' flowing interpretation of the progress made in the last one hundred years is being presented in a series of four articles. THIS is the Age of Steel. We live in a mechanized era. Our everyday lives--everything we see or do-are organized and influenced by this versatile metal. Our industries, our farms, our homes, and our transportation-yes, our vocations and avocations, or luxuries and necessities-all are dependent upon smelting iron and making steel. Take away iron and steel and soon our vaunted civilization would revert to a primitive existence. These metals, often in crude forms, have been known for thousands of years. Down through the ages, until about one hundred years ago, steel was made laboriously, and at high est, in small batches. During those years, methods of manufacture did not change very much. Over long periods of time only warriors, royalty, and wealthy people could afford to use articles made of iron or steel. History has recorded that the nations which were expert in iron and steel manufacture, and had access to rich iron-ore deposits, were the leaders in war or in peaceful pursuits. At the end of the 18th century, thirteen struggling American colonies had broken not only the political shackles that bound them to Great Britain, but also many of the economic bonds. They had showed their skill, Yankee ingenuity, and energy by making iron and steel articles for their own use. After the Revolutionary War, more and more hardy American pioneers pushed westward through the Allegheny Mountain passes and down the rivers into the fertile Ohio River and Kentucky country. Demands for articles made of iron increased. The iron industry on the east coast grew and prospered. As this trend continued, iron industrialists moved their plants westward to be near the large deposits of high-grade coal in western Pennsylvania, eastern Ohio, and nothern West Virginia. They also desired to use the local iron ores and water resources of those areas. Blast furnaces and ironworks were built in the Pittsburgh, Youngstown, southern Ohio, and northern West Virginia districts. In 1810, the United States produced 53,908 gross tons of cast iron and 917 tons of steel. Iron ore discovery A white man first discovered large deposits of iron ore in the northern Michigan and Lake Superior country in 1844. One year later, the Sault

Jan 1, 1961

By P. W. Bridgman

It is characteristic of most scientific investigators that they are not satisfied with the discovery of new facts, no matter how curious or unexpected, but that along with the factual discovery there is a constant effort to understand. It appears that one's interest in, and satisfaction with, the discovery of an array of new experimental facts is enormously increased if one has at the same time a theory or hypothesis guiding one's expectation of what sort of new experimental discovery may lie around the corner. Conversely, as a theoretical physicist one's satisfaction with his theory is greatly enhanced if along with the development of the theory can go the discovery of new experimental facts, confirming or perhaps modifying the theory as it grows. Of course, there have been long arid stretches in the history of physics in which new data of unquestioned ultimate importance have piled up, without much inspiration or illumination in the way of understanding. For 50 years spectroscopy had such an arid history, but how irksome this was felt to be is plainly shown by the almost audible relief that greeted the first success by Bohr in injecting understanding into the situation, and by the fresh rush of experimenters into this field when the prospect of understanding had once been offered. The investigations in the field of high pressure, which have occupied me for a long time,' until the last few years have been in very much the same sort of situation as spectroscopy before the advent of Bohr. A great many kinds of data were collected for a great many solid and liquid substances, and there could be no question of the importance of these data, because the uniform change of dimensions produced by hydrostatic pressure is perhaps the simplest conceivable type of alteration to which a body can be subjected. But except for a few isolated flashes, there was no theoretical illumination, so that it had to be to a large extent the enthusiasm of the collector that kept me going. However, within the last few years the wave-mechanics theory of solids has progressed so rapidly that

Jan 1, 1938

By P. W. Bridgman

It is characteristic of most scientific investigators that they are not satisfied with the discovery of new facts, no matter how curious or unexpected, but that along with the factual discovery there is a constant effort to understand. It appears that one's interest in, and satisfaction with, the discovery of an array of new experimental facts is enormously increased if one has at the same time a theory or hypothesis guiding one's expectation of what sort of new experimental discovery may lie around the corner. Conversely, as a theoretical physicist one's satisfaction with his theory is greatly enhanced if along with the development of the theory can go the discovery of new experimental facts, confirming or perhaps modifying the theory as it grows. Of course, there have been long arid stretches in the history of physics in which new data of unquestioned ultimate importance have piled up, without much inspiration or illumination in the way of understanding. For 50 years spectroscopy had such an arid history, but how irksome this was felt to be is plainly shown by the almost audible relief that greeted the first success by Bohr in injecting understanding into the situation, and by the fresh rush of experimenters into this field when the prospect of understanding had once been offered. The investigations in the field of high pressure, which have occupied me for a long time,' until the last few years have been in very much the same sort of situation as spectroscopy before the advent of Bohr. A great many kinds of data were collected for a great many solid and liquid substances, and there could be no question of the importance of these data, because the uniform change of dimensions produced by hydrostatic pressure is perhaps the simplest conceivable type of alteration to which a body can be subjected. But except for a few isolated flashes, there was no theoretical illumination, so that it had to be to a large extent the enthusiasm of the collector that kept me going. However, within the last few years the wave-mechanics theory of solids has progressed so rapidly that

Jan 1, 1938

By H. E. Dunn, C. M. Cosman, J. H. Brennan

Up to the beginning of World War I, the American ferro-alloy industry was in its infancy and largely dependent on Europe. During that War, capacity was over expanded. Later recovery and commercial and scientific development have resulted in an industry which in 1957 produced 1.8 million tons of ferro-alloys. THE ferro-alloy industry is today an important element of the industrial structure of the United States. Its output is valued at almost half a billion dollars annually and its products are basic not only to National defense but also to the peacetime standard of living. This has not always been so. The ferro-alloy industry from late in the last century has grown from small beginnings, nurtured by the demand for stronger, tougher materials; by the search for steels capable of absorbing severe impact loads and resisting corrosive media and high temperatures; and also by the need for electrical and electronic specialties. Conversely, the ferro-alloy industry has grown because it developed improved steels and alloys by extensive research, and because it was able to show to steel makers the advantages accruing from the more extensive and the more economical use of alloying elements. The industry has grown in scope from producing a few grades of ferro-alloys of the more common metals-manganese, chromium, vanadium, silicon, titanium, tungsten, and molybdenum-until there are today some 150 compositions of ferro-alloys available to the steel maker, including such elements as columbium, zirconium, and boron. In 1912 the industry produced 360,000 tons of alloys valued at about $12,000,000, while 1957 production figures show an output of 1.8 million tons worth $440,000,000. In the United States, the history of an industry is largely the history of the companies making up this industry; hence, this paper will briefly trace the development of the most important ferro-alloy-producing companies. Quite varied have been the reasons that caused the different companies to move into the ferro-alloy field; the Willson Aluminum Co., seeking methods of producing aluminum, succeeded with the production of calcium carbide, and their developing electric furnace skills led them to the production of ferro-silicon and ferrochromium alloys. Willson was the predecessor of the Electro Metallurgical Co. of Union Carbide. Two Pittsburgh undertakers, interested in vanadium as an alloying agent for steel, set about to find a mine and, ranging as far as Peru, fathered American Vanadium Co., the predecessor of Vanadium Corp. of America Experiments of the

Jan 1, 1961

By Marvin Lee

Kansas retained, for the eighth consecutive year, the fourth position in the list of oil-producing states. The total crude-oil production during 1934, as reported by purchasers to the State Corporation Commission, was 45,538,564 bbl. on 97 per cent tank table calculations of the purchasers, or 46,946,973 bbl. as carried on 100 per cent measurement in U.S. Government reports. The corresponding figures for 1933 are 40,008,940 and 41,236,021, respectively. The increase of production over 1933 was due to the rising demand for oil from Kansas, caused principally by three factors: the continued regulation of the producing branch of the industry by Federal and State authorities, which had the effect of reducing illegal production that has been so destructively competitive with Kansas crude and refined products; the normal decline of production in other areas; and, last and best, general increased demand of the public for petroleum products. The price level remained unchanged for the first time in oil history for so long a period. Kansas 36" gravity crude remained at $1 per barrel from September, 1933, and throughout 1934. Price stability and the confidence in the regulation of production to meet the consumer demand, which is increasing, brought greatly renewed interest in Kansas fields. Drilling activity has been largely in the western part of the state where expiration of leases, on large blocks of acreage, assembled before the depression, is forcing either action or loss of the lease investment carried for a long period. The drilling of these many blocks of acreage, previously assembled on geologic information, has caused the opening of more fields than during any previous year of Kansas oil history and is proceeding faster than anticipated a year ago. Interest grows within a successful enterprise, and the momentum caused by the successes of 1934 will continue in 1935 unless unusual conditions arise and end the apparently good opportunity for financial return. Geological exploration methods used in new field discoveries are shown in the tabulation of new discoveries (Table 3).

Jan 1, 1935

By L. A. Rapport, J. R. McCord, W. P. Drews, K. H. Coats

Water movement about an oil or gas reservoir can be predicted provided an aquifer influence function is known. This function is generally determined from an electric analyzer study or by fitting an idealized mathematical model to field data. A prohlem arises in determining that influence function which best reproduces field data and satisfies certain smoothness requirements, without making any idealizations concerning aquifer geometry and heterogeneity. This study shows the problem to be solvable through the linear programming technique and presents applications to one oil reservoir and two gas storage reservoirs. In addition, a theorem is stated and proven which confirms influence junction smoothness requirements heretofore accepted on physical intuition and establishes additiotzal smoothness constraints formerly not recognized. INTRODUCTION The pressure decline accompanying production results in water encroachment into oil and gas reservoirs situated adjacent to aquifers. The importance of this water movement derives from the significant dependence of production rate upon reservoir pressure and of pressure, in turn, upon water encroachment. Pressure and rate of water movement are uniquely related through an "influence" function which may be in the form of reservoir pressure response to a unit water encroachment rate or of water movement caused by a unit reservoir pressure drop. This influence function reflects the heterogeneity and geometry of the aquifer and is therefore particular to each reservoir. If the influence function is known, then reservoir pressure may be predicted from a production rate schedule, or vice-versa, with the aid of the material balance equation which relates water influx to reservoir production and pressure. The problem of determining this influence function for a given reservoir has been approached in three different ways. Van Everdingen and Hurst calculated and tabulated certain influence functions pertinent to idealized mathematical models which satisfy simplifying assumptions such as aquifer homogeneity and elementary reservoir-aquifer geometries.' Other studies developed additional tables for a variety of elementary reservoir-aquifer geometrical con- figurations and demonstrated their validity and utility.:' Hicks, et al. described the use of an electrical network to determine an influence function giving "best" match of field history and allowing prediction of future performance.' Finally, Hutchinson and Sikora5 and Katz, Tek and Jones attempted to develop a calculation method for deriving the influence function directly from field data with no idealizing assumptions concerning aquifer geometry and homogeneity. They encountered difficulties with inaccuracies in field data and with satisfaction of well-known smoothness requirements of the influence function. This study is concerned with the determination of influence functions from field data and, more specifically, treats the following problem: given field pressure-production data of arbitrary accuracy, how does one determine the influence function which, subject to satisfaction of known smoothness requirements, gives best agreement with field history? A rigorous solution to this problem is ohtained through linear programming as described below. Example applications to one oil and two gas storage reservoirs are presented. In addition, a theorem is proved which confirms influence function smoothness requirements heretofore accepted on physical intuition and establishes additional smoothness requirements formerly not recognized.

Jan 1, 1965

By P. W. Bridgman

IT is characteristic of most scientific investigators that they are not satisfied with the discovery of new facts, no matter how curious or unex-pected, but that along with the factual discovery there is a constant effort to understand. It appears that one's interest in, and satisfaction with, the discovery of an array of new experimental facts is enormously increased if one has at the same time a theory or hypothesis guiding one's expectation of what sort of new experimental discovery may lie around the corner. Conversely, as a theoretical physicist one's satisfaction with his theory is greatly enhanced if along with the development of the theory can go the discovery of new experimental facts, confirming or perhaps modifying the theory as it grows. Of course, there have been long arid stretches in the history of physics in which new data of unquestioned ultimate importance have piled up, without much inspiration or illumina-tion in the way of understanding. For 50 years spectroscopy had such an arid history, but how irksome this was felt to be is plainly shown by the almost audible relief that greeted the first success by Bohr in injecting understanding into the situation, and by the fresh rush of experimenters into this field when the prospect of understanding had once been offered. The investigations in the field of high pressure, which have occupied me for a long time,1 until the last few years have been in very much the same sort of situation as spectroscopy before the advent of Bohr. A great many kinds of data were collected for a great many solid and liquid sub-stances, and there could be no question of the importance of these data, because the uniform change of dimensions produced by hydrostatic pressure is perhaps the simplest conceivable type of alteration to which a body can be subjected. But except for a few isolated flashes, there was no theoretical illumination, so that it had to be to a large extent the enthu-siasm of the collector that kept me going. However, within the last few years the wave-mechanics theory of solids has progressed so rapidly that

Jan 1, 1938

By J. C. McKinnell

The appraisal of an oil lease may often be mad,? through production decline analysis, which requires description of the functional relationship between the oil production rate and either cumulative production or time. Heretofore, attempts to define the function appropriate to a given set of production data have depended to some extent on subjective procedures. The purpose here is to introduce an objective solution, obtained by combining the principle of least squares with the theory of equations. MATHEMATICAL ANALYSIS The fundamental differential equation appropriate to a general class of decline curves may be written. Solution of Eq. 1 for general boundary conditions may be written in terms of either the cumulative oil production or time: These equations constitute the mathematical expression of the so-called hyperbolic decline. Their complete description for a given set of production data requires the numerical evaluation of the three parameters1.', n, D, and (go),. For the special case of n = 0, Eq. 2 becomes q. = (q.), - DiN with the corresponding expression in terms of time being q. = (qa),e...........(5) Similarly, for the special case of n = 1, Eq. 3 becomes with the corresponding expression in terms of cumula- tive oil production being q. = (q.),e " '.......(7) Eqs. 4 and 5 constitute the mathematical description of the so-called exponential decline; Eqs. 6 and 7 are the mathematical description of the harmonic decline.',' Returning to the hyperbolic expressions, Eqs. 2 and 3 may also be written, q: = sNp + b........ (8) and where a = 1 - n; s = (n— 1)D,(q0);"; b = (go):-"; a'=-n;s/= nD,(qo);"; and b' = (go);-. Note that both Eqs. 8 and 9 are linear in either time or cumulative production with respect to an exponential function of the production rate. In other words, a straight line relationship results for both variables when associated with the appropriate power of q,. This fact is of prime importance in the application of statistical analysis. . STATISTICAL ANALYSIS For a given oil lease, the time, production rate and cumulative production are recorded records. To establish predictive formulas from Eqs. 2 and 3, it remains to determine numerical values for the three parameters [n, D, and (q,) .] through an investigation of the past history. Upon interpreting a, s and b as parameters, Eq. 8 may be expressed for every time interval of interest, i, over the past history as follows. (q,): = s(Np), + b........(10) In general, Eq. 10 will not be satisfied exactly, because of the assumptions in the expression of Eq. 1, and the errors and anomalies universally associated with production data. It will instead define the residual, s(Np), + b- CO=d......(11) Squaring both sides and summing over all the data points, m, under consideration yields

By W. M. Peirce

Commencing in 1922, each year a lecture has been presented to the Institute of Metals Division at this February meeting. The range of subjects has been very- broad. Some speakers have dealt with the most advanced work in the very heart of the science of physical metallurgy. Others have stimulated our imaginations by discussing the most recent progress in related fields of science. Others have told us of the latest art, which is at any moment of greater practical importance than the latest science, of metals. I feel that this broad precedent in the choice of subjects will justify my choosing to talk about some of the prosaic details of how, during the last generation, industry has effectively organized research to accelerate progress in our own and all other fields of science and related art. A number of years ago I visited one of this country's well-known research laboratories and had the pleasure of chatting for a few minutes with its equally well-known director. Being particularly interested at the time in the organization problems connected with industrial research, I broached that subject. My host stated in effect that he didn't believe in organized research. He was, of course, resorting to a rhetorical hyperbole. to pain: out the danger of overorganization which can so easily drift into regimentation and destroy individual initiative. Actually nearly all of us, much as we cherish our personal freedom of action, believe in organization because the history of progress in every field of human activity has been a history of men learning to work together, to cooperate, to create an efficient division of labor. We use organization to achieve this coordination. At the same time our form of organization must not stifle individual initiative or it will prove a deterrent rather than an aid to accomplishment. Research, too, must be organized for greatest achievement but especial skill and care are perhaps needed to avoid stifling the initiative of the individual workers. I have, of course, followed with keen interest and much benefit the vast amount . that has been said and written on this subject in the past twenty years but I still find new stimulation in discussions with my good friends working in this field. It is my hope that this discussion may serve a like purpose. It would be ungracious not to make due acknowledgment to the many able contributors to this particular phase of human progress, but their very number and the great volume of their writing makes it impossible to trace to any one individual a particular significant and valuable idea. I shall content myself therefore with this general acknowledgment and with acknowledgment of the specific debt that every research man owes to those who have so ably kept before the public, and in particular before industrial executives, the place of research in the modern scheme of things' Because of the legitimate publicity thus given to research, the day is past when any

Jan 1, 1944

By W. M. Peirce

COMMENCING in 1922, each year a lecture has been presented to the Institute of Metals Division at this February meeting. The range of subjects has been very broad. Some speakers have dealt with the most advanced work in the very heart of the science of physical metallurgy. Others have stimulated our imaginations by discussing the most recent progress in related fields of science. Others have told us of the latest art, which is at any moment of greater practical importance than the latest science, of metals. I feel that this broad precedent in the choice of subjects will justify my choosing to talk about some of the prosaic details of how, during the last generation, industry has effectively organized research to accelerate progress in our own and all other fields of science and related art. A number of years ago I visited one of this country's well-known research laboratories and had the pleasure of chatting for a few minutes with its equally well-known director. Being particularly interested at the time in the organization problems connected with industrial research, I broached that subject. My host stated in effect that he didn't believe in organized research. He was, of course, resorting to a rhetorical hyperbole to point out the danger of overorganization which can so easily drift into regimentation and destroy individual initiative. Actually nearly all of us, much as we cherish our personal freedom of action, believe in organization because the history of progress in every field of human activity has been a history of men learning to work together, to cooperate, to create an efficient division of labor. We use organization to achieve this coordination. At the same time our form of organization must not stifle individual initiative or it will prove a deterrent rather than an aid to accomplishment. Research, too, must be organized for greatest achievement but especial skill and care are perhaps needed to avoid stifling the initiative of the individual workers. I have, of course, followed with keen interest and much benefit the vast amount that has been said and written on this subject in the past twenty years but I still find new stimulation in discussions with my good friends working in this field. It is my hope that this discussion may serve a like purpose. It would be ungracious not to make due acknowledgment to the many able contributors to this particular phase of human progress, but their very number and the great volume of their writing makes it impossible to trace to any one individual a particular significant and valuable idea. I shall content myself therefore with this general acknowledgment and with acknowledgment of the specific debt that every research man owes to those who have so ably kept before the public, and in particular before industrial executives, the place of research in the modern scheme of things. Because of the legitimate publicity thus given to research, the day is past when any

Jan 1, 1944

By W. M. Peirce

Commencing in 1922, each year a lecture has been presented to the Institute of Metals Division at this February meeting. The range of subjects has been very- broad. Some speakers have dealt with the most advanced work in the very heart of the science of physical metallurgy. Others have stimulated our imaginations by discussing the most recent progress in related fields of science. Others have told us of the latest art, which is at any moment of greater practical importance than the latest science, of metals. I feel that this broad precedent in the choice of subjects will justify my choosing to talk about some of the prosaic details of how, during the last generation, industry has effectively organized research to accelerate progress in our own and all other fields of science and related art. A number of years ago I visited one of this country's well-known research laboratories and had the pleasure of chatting for a few minutes with its equally well-known director. Being particularly interested at the time in the organization problems connected with industrial research, I broached that subject. My host stated in effect that he didn't believe in organized research. He was, of course, resorting to a rhetorical hyperbole. to pain: out the danger of overorganization which can so easily drift into regimentation and destroy individual initiative. Actually nearly all of us, much as we cherish our personal freedom of action, believe in organization because the history of progress in every field of human activity has been a history of men learning to work together, to cooperate, to create an efficient division of labor. We use organization to achieve this coordination. At the same time our form of organization must not stifle individual initiative or it will prove a deterrent rather than an aid to accomplishment. Research, too, must be organized for greatest achievement but especial skill and care are perhaps needed to avoid stifling the initiative of the individual workers. I have, of course, followed with keen interest and much benefit the vast amount . that has been said and written on this subject in the past twenty years but I still find new stimulation in discussions with my good friends working in this field. It is my hope that this discussion may serve a like purpose. It would be ungracious not to make due acknowledgment to the many able contributors to this particular phase of human progress, but their very number and the great volume of their writing makes it impossible to trace to any one individual a particular significant and valuable idea. I shall content myself therefore with this general acknowledgment and with acknowledgment of the specific debt that every research man owes to those who have so ably kept before the public, and in particular before industrial executives, the place of research in the modern scheme of things' Because of the legitimate publicity thus given to research, the day is past when any

Jan 1, 1944