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By Thomas T., Read

ANY discussion of State-supported schools of mining and A metallurgy needs to be prefaced by a definition, since the first school to offer a mining curriculum, the Pennsylvania Polytechnic College, was established by a grant from the State. But, so far as can be determined, it received no further State support. It would be tiresome to go into precise details,. and it will be enough to stipulate that by State schools are meant those which derive their main financial support from regular appropriations made by a State legislature. The University of Michigan was the first of these to offer a mineral industry curriculum; its story, as well as those of Wisconsin and Illinois, has been related in the preceding chapter.* Arranging the others in chronological order involves making a decision as to what weight to attach to plans for giving instruction, as contrasted with its , effective initiation. This may appropriately be illustrated by the history of mineral industry education in California. California Among those who came to California in 1849 and the following years were many New Englanders who had a keen interest in education. Some of them, mostly Congregationalists and Presbyterians, sought to establish a school of higher education around San Francisco Bay and eventually succeeded in opening the "Scientific and Classical School at Contra Costa' in Oakland, at Broadway and 5th St., on June 20, 1853. This prospered so well that it was chartered by the State as the "College of California" on April, 13, 1855. Developing so rapidly that its quarters became cramped, in 1864 it not only bought a tract of

Jan 1, 1941

By Thomas T., Read

ALTHOUGH the first colonists in the area that is now the A United States, whether Spanish, French or English in nationality, were usually keenly interested in the possibilities of mineral wealth, it is a curious and interesting fact that none of them happened upon the mineral deposits that eventually were to make this the greatest mineral-producing country; up to 1800 it would probably have been rated as rather poor in minerals. Spanish explorers traversed the southeastern United States with- , out finding the Appalachian gold deposits that aroused so much interest in the early nineteenth century; Coronado sought in vain for the seven golden cities of Cibola; and the important gold \ deposits of California were not discovered until the political sovereignty of the region had passed from Mexico, which had held it for three centuries. The French also held Canada for nearly two centuries (and the British for another century) without finding the mineral deposits in Ontario and Quebec that now are so important. Though they knew of the copper of the Keweenaw peninsula, the lead ores. of Wisconsin and Missouri, and the coal of Illinois in the seventeenth century, these deposits were all too remote for exploitation. In the area held by Great Britain, iron smelting was planned at Jamestown as early as 1619 and was actually begun at Lynn, Mass., in 1643. The industry grew slowly, at first, but had reached considerable importance before the Revolution. Commercial bituminous coal mining began about 1750 in Virginia but anthracite mining in Pennsylvania was not started until 1800. As a result there was naturally little interest in the technical aspects of mineral prodnction here before 1800 by any except the few people who were actually engaged in it. Students of natural science were much interested in minerals, however. The activities of those who rank as geologists are so thoroughly covered in

Jan 1, 1941

By Robert W. Hunt

THE memorable features of American history have been making fast during the last century, and notably so since 1860; and they are by no means confined to political or to any one branch of scientific development. Of all the industrial arts, none show a greater change or a mightier progress than the Bessemer manufacture. And this year, while we are celebrating the first centennial of our national life, we can also celebrate the first decennial of American Bessemer practice. While not forgetting or undervaluing what has been done in other countries, I have thought that a brief history of the introduction and development of the Pneumatic or Bessemer process in America would be of interest. In 1863 the Kelly Pneumatic Process Company was formed and an arrangement entered into with William Kelly, who had taken out letters-patent of the United States, Nos. 16,444 ; 17,628, re¬issued as 505; 18,910, dated January 10th, 1857 ; June 23d, 1857; November 3d, 1857; and December 22d, 1857, respectively. This association was composed of the Cambria Iron Company, E. B. Ward, Park Brothers & Co., Lyon, Shorb & Co., Z. S. Durfee, and, later, Chouteau, Harrison & Valle joined the combination. Not satisfied with possessing the control of the Kelly patent, they sent Mr. Z. S. Durfee to England, to secure for this country Mushet's patent on recarburization, No. 17,389, dated May 26th, 1857, the same having been taken out in England on September 22d, 1856. In this Mr. Durfee was successful. Previous to the application of William Kelly for a patent, Henry Bessemer, of England, had taken out patents dated February 12th, 1856, and August 25th, 1856, in this country. Kelly claimed priority in the discovery of the principles of the process, and the Patent-office allowed his claim by granting him his patents. In the autumn of 1862 Mr. Alexander L. Holley, while in England, was impressed with the importance of Mr. Bessemer's inven¬tion, and so fully foresaw its future, that, upon his return to the United States, he induced Messrs. John A. Griswold and John F. Winslow, of Troy, New York, to join him in endeavoring to possess Bessemer's American patents. Mr. Holley returned to England in

Jan 1, 1877

By W. R. Ingalls

DUPING the last two years, and especially during the last six months, a number of important articles upon the new methods for the desulphurization of galena have been published in the technical periodicals, particularly in the Engineering and Mining Journal and in Metallurgie. I proposed for these methods the type-name of "lime-roasting" of galena as a convenient metallurgical classification,' and this term has found some acceptance. The articles referred to have shown the great practical importance of these new processes, and the general recognition of their metallurgical and commercial value which has already been accorded to them. It is my present purpose to review broadly the changes developed by them in the metallurgy of lead, in which connection it is necessary to refer briefly to the previous state of the art. The elimination of the sulphur-content of galena has been always the most troublesome part of the smelting-process, being both costly in the operation and wasteful of silver and lead. Previous to the introduction of the Huntington-Heberlein process at Pertusola, Italy, it was effected by a variety of methods. In the treatment of non-argentiferous galena concentrate, the smelting was done by the roast-reduction method (roasting in reverberatory furnace and smelting in blast-furnace); the roast-reaction method, applied in reverberatory furnaces; and the roast-reaction method, applied in Scotch hearths 2 Precipitation-smelting, simple, had practically gone out of use, although its reactions enter into the modern blast-furnace practice, as do also those of the roast-reaction method.

Sep 1, 1906

By Thomas T., Read

IT does not seem practicable to review all the other specialized curricula that have developed in the mineral industries field in so much detail as has been given for petroleum. Nor is it easy to draw a definite line between true curricula, leading to a designated degree in the special subject, and options, which may range from the mere substitution of one or two courses for others ' in the final years to differences so extensive as almost to amount to separate curricula. Even to attempt to catalogue all the options that have been offered at one time or another would , require too much space. The remainder of this discussion, there- fore, will be confined to three topics which seem to be of major importance. Mining and metallurgical curricula will be covered in a later chapter. Geology The first, from the historical view, is geology in its relation to the mineral industries. Previous, chapters have made clear that in the early years of mineral industry instruction in the United States economic geology and mining engineering, so overlapped one another that men who were by training and experience economic geologists were appointed professors of mining, while men who had graduated as mining engineers sometimes developed into professors of geology. Even today men whose basic training was in- geology as a pure science, and who perhaps took a doctor's .degree in that subject, have attained such distinction in the mineral industries as to be universally accepted as "mining men," and their right to be regarded as mining engineers would not be questioned, even though 'they did not .take a degree in engineering. Nevertheless the distinction does exist, and has been made a concrete reality in recent years by the enactment of

Jan 1, 1941

By Roger L. Beals, George A. Tweedy

I. INTRODUCTION. THE results of the cyanide-operations, given in detail in the following paper, show the progress that is being made at the Minas del Tajo. The old pan-amalgamation process, in operation up to and including 1905, while paying a profit on high-grade ores, was no longer able to treat profitably the ores in sight at that time, hence an alteration in the process was imperative. The success of this alteration is eloquently expressed by the following data Pan- Amalgamation. Cyanidation. 1905. 1907. 1903. Tons treated, . . 51,387 53,983 69,300 Value per ton (U. S. currency),. $10.75 $8.39 $8.28 Extraction, per cent., 65.00 88.50 S7.45 Extraction, per ton. .- $7.00 $7.4.; $7.24 Total cost, per ton treated, 6.50 4.311 4.01 Profit, per ton treated, . . 0.50 3.07 3.23.;

Feb 1, 1910

By F. M. Morris

A large reserve of thick coal in southwest Virginia was developed by Clinch-field Coal Co. in 1957-1958 to produce a nominal rate of 1500 tph raw coal. Operation features coal cleaning in transit. Refuse removed averages 35 pct. Evolution of plant from initial conception to completion is discussed, selection of means applied is explained, and performance to date us design expectation is described. The long-range plan calls for ultimate handling capacity of 40,000 tpd raw coal with anticipated clean coal capacity of 26,000 tpd on a three-shift basis. From a materials handling viewpoint, the Moss No. 3 operation is principally of interest as an ensemble. Generally speaking, it uses time-tested equipment and ideas but some of these are employed on a scale that may be new in the industry. At present about 20,000 tpd of raw coal are being handled. This is expected to increase to 40,000 tpd as soon as business conditions justify it. The purpose of this paper is to discuss the evolution of the plant as to materials handling practices, to describe briefly the equipment and methods used, and to comment on performance in certain areas. The subject divides itself naturally into four phases: 1) operations at the mines, 2) transportation from mines to plant, 3) raw coal handling into the plant, and 4) transportation of refuse away from the plant. OPERATIONS AT THE MINES The coal reserves for Moss 3 are in southwest Virginia where Dickenson, Russell, and Buchanan Counties come together. This area contains about 15 square miles and over 100,000,000 tons of coal. Here the No. 4 (Tiller) and No. 5 (Jawbone) seams of the Norton Formation lie so closely together that for practical purposes, they constitute one seam of coal. This seam, which is called the Thick Tiller, varies from 10 to 18 ft in thickness and underlies Sandy Ridge, a mountain cresting between 2400 and 3300 ft above sea-level. At 18-ft seam height (which is considered to be the maximum practical mining height) the parting between seams will be about 3 1/2 ft thick and each bench of coal will be about 7 ft thick. Depending on the amount of impurities in the seams Drover. total reject in this height coal may approximate 50 pet by wt. It will average about 35 pet for the property as a whole. The first move in developing this resource was made in 1953 when contour maps of several square miles around Duty, Va., including all the known outcrop, were made by photogrammetry. At this time, it was felt the prospective operation would be served by the Clinchfield Railroad and a photogrammetric route survey was made by this railroad from Haysi to Duty. Study of the resulting maps indicated only one site—adversely owned—which might accommodate the size washing plant to be erected. Water resources of a dependable nature seemed nonexistent. In 1954 bulk washability tests were made on the Tiller Bench at the Moss No. 1 preparation plant. The tests indicated this portion of the seam, mined separately, would wash to 4 pet ash with good recovery. Also in 1954, development of Moss No. 2, south of Sandy Ridge, was begun. This mine is in the Tiller Seam where it is about 100 ft below the Jawbone Seam. The reasons for developing a mine in the normal Tiller Seam before tackling the Thick Tiller seemed compelling: Railroad service could be established quickly, communications were better (though not good!), more was known of the seam (it had been mined in the years 1911 to 19241, and there was no essential property to be acquired. After some legal skirmishing, the Norfolk & Western Railroad was granted the right to serve the new mine. Three decades earlier the old mine had been served by the Clinchfield Railroad. The event which triggered active development of Moss 3 was the Appalachian Power Co.'s decision in 1956 to build a 450,000-kva power plant on Clinch River at Carbo. This solved the problem of marketing the steam coal which inevitably must be a product of a mine in the Thick Tiller. Management promptly decided to build the preparation plant at Carbo where an excellent site was owned; where railroad service existed; where telephone service could be obtained; and where roads, bridges, and water supply were tolerable.

Jan 1, 1961

By F. E. Lathe, L. Hodnett

This paper summarizes extensive data supplied by 40 copper converter plants in 18 countries, and includes a partial analysis and comments on the effect of converter slag composition and temperature on the fomzation and elimination of magnetite and the life of basic and neutral refractories. APRELIMINARY draft of this paper, including data from 26 companies which had submitted replies to a questionnaire, was presented at the Annual Meeting of the AIME held in New York in February, 1956. Publication was delayed in the expectation that additional replies would be received, and justification for the subsequent delay may be found in the fact that the present revised paper contains data from 40 converter plants situated in 18 different countries. The suggestion that a questionnaire be sent to the major copper and copper-nickel plants outside the U.S.S.R. and associated countries arose at the Los Angeles Annual Meeting in February, 1953, where several papers dealing with converter construction and operation were presented. In private discussions which followed, a group of metallurgists and refractories engineers raised the question why practices varied so much at different plants. Why did magnesite brick give superior service to chrome-magnesite in some plants but chrome-magnesite prove superior in others? Would metallurgical studies point the way to the development of still better refractories? Could magnetite formation be prevented in converter slags and reverber-atory furnace mattes? If this was feasible, why was a heavy circulating load of magnetite tolerated, when, in all probability, it increased copper losses in the reverberatory slags and, in some cases, made it necessary to shut down the furnaces periodically to clean out the accumulated magnetite? Was the sole purpose of coating brick with magnetite that of

Jan 1, 1959

By Meredith Johnson

THE year 1924 saw little change in the production of oil and gas it either Pennsylvania or New York. In the early months of the year the price of Pennsylvania crude oil, $4.00 to $4.50 a barrel, was sufficiently high to cause operators to lay plans for rather extensive drilling opera-tions. But when, in August, the price dropped to $2.85 a barrel, there was no inducement for new work and drilling was curtailed. In spite of the curtailment, however, the combined production of the two states for the year showed a slight increase over 1923, the production being 8;859,000 bbl. in 1923, and 8,901,000 bbl.1 in 1924. The increased production was due entirely to. the continued development of flooding operations in the Bradford field, all other oilfields showing a decline for the year. TABLE 1. Production of Crude Oil in Pennsylvania and New York for the Last Ten Years a Production, Barrels Production, Barrels Year Year Pennsylvania I New York Pennsylvania I New York 1915 7,838,000 888,000 1920- 7,438,000 906,000 1916 7,593,000 874,000 1921 7,418,000 988,000 1917 7,733,000 880,000 1922 7,425,000 1;000,000 1918 7,408,000 809,000 1923 7,609,000 1,250,000 1919 8,137,000 851,000 1924 7,535,0006 1;366,0006 a U. S. Geological Survey figures. b Estimated. Much of the drilling in the southwestern part of Pennsylvania was done in search of gas. Natural gas in Pennsylvania is fast being recognized at its true worth and the increased prices allowed 'the gas companies for their product induced quite a bit of new work. The relative importance of natural gas compared with manufactured gas is shown in Table 2.2

Jan 3, 1925

Prospectors were digging silver in the Ray mine area in 1873, and by 1880 high-grade copper ore was feeding a 30-ton copper furnace. In 1910, D. C. Jackling and his associates organized the Ray Consolidated Copper Company, known in mining circles as Ray Con, to exploit the Ray orebody. For 50 years, all mining was underground and the Ray mine was known the world over for innovations in mining methods. It was the first to mine important tonnage (8,000 tpd) by block caving methods. The mill at Hayden, 26 miles (41.6 km) from the mine, kept pace with the new mining methods developed at Ray and in the early 1920's flotation replaced gravity concentration by the vanner machines. First mining by open pit methods began in 1950 and in January 1955 all underground mining was discontinued. The new primary crushing plant, installed in early 1967, featured design simplicity with a low capital cost. The 54 in. gyratory crusher was installed within a total height of 6 1 ft (18.65 m) from the truck dump road bed to the floor beneath the feeder-conveyor under the surge pocket. The crusher is fed by 120-ton trucks dumping from one side only into a 200-ton hopper equipped with a horizontal splitter bar to protect the crusher spider. The crushed ore pocket, of 120 -ton live capacity underneath the crusher, discharges to a 0 to 200 fpm (61.2 mpm), variable-speed, 72 in. by 80 ft long (1.83 m by 24.4 m) sloped belt feeder, probably a first in the industry. Wood-picking stations are provided on either side of the belt so that old mine timbers and tramp iron can be removed from the crushed ore and the wood can be dropped into Dempster containers located below the belt. Counter-weighted finger gates control the bed depth on the belt at 14 in. (356 mm) and a low- level radiation unit automatically maintains a minimum of a 3 ft bed (900 mm) of material on the belt directly under the surge pocket. The conveyor is skirted for its full length and is approximately 60 in. (1.52 m) wide inside its metal skirt liners. Ten impact idlers at 12 in. (305 mm) spacing are provided under the loading pocket and remaining idlers are spaced at 18 in. (457 mm). The belt is 1 ¼ in. (31. 8 mm) thick; and, while it has occasionally been damaged by tramp material, belt life averages 11 million tons. When the belt is changed, the coiled new belt is lowered into position onto one of two belt stands mounted over the feeder, the old belt is cut, and one end is attached temporarily to the new belt. The other end of

Jan 1, 1978

Jan 1, 1947

Jan 1, 1947

By I. R. Kramer, L. J. Demer

Aluminum single crystals were pulled in an electrolytic cell allowing surface removal during the deformation. The extent of Stages I and 11 of the stress-st-aitz curve was increased and the slope decreased as the rate of metal removed from the surface was increased. An increase of the strain rate caused a decrease in the effectiveness of the metal removal. The data indicate that the work-hardening coefficient in Stage I is determined primarily by the conditions which exist on the surface of the crystal. In Stages 11 and 111, both surface effects and internal barriers are important. ALTHOUGH numerous investigations have been conducted on the plastic flow characteristics of metals in an attempt to explain the mechanism of work-hardening, relatively few studies have taken into account the influence of the surface. In all current theories of work-hardening it is assumed that the impediments to the movement of dislocations are within the crystal. The barriers due to the surface and the existence of solid and liquid films have been neglected even though it has been demonstrated that the surface exerts a large effect. A number of investigators1-l8 have shown that solid films on the surface of single crystals markedly affect their mechanical behavior. In general, the presence of a solid film tends to increase the yield stress and increase the work-hardening rate. Often, on single crystals, Stage I and, at times, Stage II regions are completely suppressed. Various mechanisms have been offered for the effects of oxide and metal films as well as the influence of electrolytes. Of these, concepts concerned with the locking of surface dislocation sources and the blocking of dislocations at the surface resulting in pileups appear to be actively considered at present. Barrett,11 Takamura,6 Gilman,19 Lipsett and King,20 Shapiro and Read,10 and Weiner and Gensamer21 are among those who have interpreted their results in terms of piled-up dislocations at the surface, while Adams.22 and Chalmers and Davis23 have explained their experimental observations in terms of locking of surface dislocation sources. In general, the change in plastic flow properties due to electrolytes has been explained in terms of the unblocking or unlocking of dislocations by the removal of the oxide films. In considering the two proposed mechanisms, it appears that the locking of sources of surface dislocations by a solid film should exert a primary influence only on the critical resolved shear stress for flow and not on the slopes of Stages I and 11. However, the blocking at the surface of dislocations from internal sources may also affect the critical resolved stress and furthermore exert an influence throughout the whole plastic range. In certain cases it does not seem feasible to explain the results of experimental observations in terms of locking of surface dislocation sources. The abnormal aftereffects found by Barrettll,12 by removing the oxide by an acid treatment are excellent evidence of the blocking of dislocations at the surface. Additional evidence in favor of a blocking due to a pileup of dislocations at the surface may be found from the observations that the critical resolved shear strength continues to increase with the thickness of the oxide layer until very heavy oxide layers are formed. If the locking of surface dislocations sources were the dominant factor, the critical resolved shear stress would not be expected to increase after all of the surface sources were locked by the formation of the oxide. This may be expected to happen after a few atomic layers of the oxide are formed. In spite of the above evidence on the strong influence of the surface on the plastic flow characteristic, this has been ignored in current theories of work-hardening. Seeger24,25 suggested that most of the dislocations may slip out of the crystal only when the specimen axis is within certain areas of the orientation triangle. In other areas the resolved shear stress in other glide systems is large enough to generate dislocations which can form Lomer-Cottrell locks, thereby decreasing the average slip distance in some directions and causing a larger hardening rate. Friede126 assumed that at the beginning of Stage 11, a large number of Lomer-Cottrell dislocations are formed by a catastrophic process which used up all the Frank-Read sources on the secondary slip-planes. In this manner a fixed number of Lomer-Cottrell locks is formed which act as barriers against which the dislocations can pile up. In Stage 111, Seeger24 and Diehl, Mader, and Seeger25 proposed that Lomer-Cottrell barriers are circumvented by the cross slip of extended screw dislocations. Cottrell and Stokes,27 Friedel,26 Cottrell,26 and stroh29 suggest that the Lomer-Cottrell dislocations collapse under the stress field of the dislocation pileup. It is the purpose of this paper to report the changes in Stages I, II,and III of the deformation process in

Jan 1, 1962

By H. H. Alexander

IN the early part of the last century textile fabric was used for the filtration of products of combustion and lampblack was obtained by passing smoke through a series of canvas bags. Natural draft was, used to draw and force the smoke through the bags. About 1850 bag filtration was used for collecting zinc oxide. Around 1876 it was introduced for collecting the fume from lead-ore hearth smelting in. Missouri. Shortly afterward it was used, first at Portland, Me., and later at Canon City, Colo., for the collection and production of zinc-lead pigment in treating mixed zinc-lead sulphides. In 1890 the Globe Smelting & Refining Co., at Denver, Colo., installed a bag house containing 1,458 bags for the recovery of fume from silver-lead blast furnaces. This installation was too small to handle all of the gases and was increased to approximately 2,300 bags. . In 1900 the number of bags was again increased, making a total of approximately 2,800: The usual difficulties incident to new installations were encountered, but they were gradually overcome and the bag house became accepted as standard practice for this class of smelting. As all of the bag houses built since have followed the general lines of the Globe installation, a short description may be of interest. The general construction of the Globe bag house is shown in Figs. 1, 2, and 3. The building is 149 ft. 8 in. long by 67 ft. 4 in. wide and 40 ft. 2 in. high from the basement floor to the eaves of the roof, having brick walls 26 in. thick from the foundation up to the thimble floor, from there an 18-in. wall for 16 ft. and a 13-in. wall from this point to the top, a distance of 14 ft. 2 in. Additional stiffening is given to the walls above the basement by pilasters located every 16 ft. The end-wall construction is similar to that of the side walls with the exception of the spacing of the pilasters, which is somewhat greater. The roof is made of corrugated iron laid on 1-in. boards and supported by a timber frame work spaced 16 ft. apart resting on the basement partition walls. On top is a louver running the

Jan 8, 1914

but, returning to South Africa, for the next two years he was assistant general manager of the Simmer Deep Gold Mining Co., at Johannesburg. In June, 1911, he returned to New Zealand as general manager and consulting engineer for the Consolidated Goldfields of New Zealand, at Reefton, which position he held at the time of his admission to the 1nstitute in 1914. Early in September, 1915, he left New Zealand for active service in France. Corporal Sheppard B. Gordy Sheppard B. Gordy, born in Ansonia, Conn., in 1889, graduated from the Sheffield Scientific School in 1910 and with the degree of E. M. in 1912. He entered the employ of the Braden Copper Co. immediately on his graduation and remained with this company four years, working up through the various grades to assistant foreman and foreman to one of the individual mines. The last year he was in its employ, he acted as general mine foreman. He was for a short time with the Chile Exploration Co. and then went with the Andes Exploration Co. (Anaconda) and remained with the latter, doing mine exploration and development work, until he sailed for home in June, 1918, to give a more personal and active service to his country in her need. He declined a tender of induction into an officers' training camp, at the urgent request of Professor McClelland supplemented by Mr. Potter, because they demonstrated to his satisfaction that he could give more valuable service to his country in helping out with the aircraft production. Being within the draft age, in order to carry out this plan, it was necessary for him to be called by his Local Board and sent to camp. This call came Aug. 26. Two weeks before that time he had gone to Dayton, Ohio, to begin the study of aircraft production, and was sent by the Dayton Board to Camp Sherman, Chillicothe, Ohio, where he died of pneumonia on Oct. 9. Lieutenant Thomas Clarence Gorman Thomas C. Gorman, a lieutenant in the Second Tunnelling Company of the Canadian Engineers, was killed in France on Mar. 18, 1918. He was resting in his sleeping hut and was in the act of writing a letter when a bursting shell killed him.

Jan 1, 1920

but, returning to South Africa, for the next two years he was assistant general manager of the Simmer Deep Gold Mining Co., at Johannesburg. In June, 1911, he returned to New Zealand as general manager and consulting engineer for the Consolidated Goldfields of New Zealand, at Reefton, which position he held at the time of his admission to the Institute in 1914. Early in September, 1915, he left New Zealand for active service in France. Corporal Sheppard B. Gordy Sheppard B. Gordy, born in Ansonia, Conn., in 1889, graduated from the Sheffield Scientific School in 1910 and with the degree of E. M. in 1912. He entered the employ of the Braden Copper Co. immediately on his graduation and remained with this company four years, working up through the various grades to assistant foreman and foreman to one of the individual mines. The last year he was in its employ, he acted as general mine foreman. He was for a short time with the Chile Exploration Co. and then went with the Andes Exploration Co. (Anaconda) and remained with the latter, doing mine exploration and development work, until he sailed for home in June, 1918, to give a more personal and active service to his country in her need. He declined a tender of induction into an officers' training camp, at the urgent request of Professor McClelland supplemented by Mr. Potter, because they demonstrated to his satisfaction that he could give more valuable service to his country in helping out with the aircraft production. Being within the draft age, in order to carry out this plan, it was necessary for him to be called by his Local Board and sent to camp. This call came Aug. 26. Two weeks before that time he had gone to Dayton, Ohio, to begin the study of aircraft production, and was sent by the Dayton Board to Camp Sherman, Chillicothe, Ohio, where he died of pneumonia on Oct. 9. Lieutenant Thomas Clarence Gorman Thomas C. Gorman, a lieutenant in the Second Tunnelling Company of the Canadian Engineers, was killed in France on Mar. 18, 1918. He was resting in his sleeping hut and was in the act of writing a letter when a bursting shell killed him.

Jan 1, 1920

By Bever M. B., Floe Carl F., Hung Liang

Data on the solubility of hydrogen in iron-silicon alloys are of practical interest, as hydrogen causes gas unsoundness and embrittlement in iron and steel and is also a factor in the metallurgy of cast iron. Zapffe and Simsl have recently demonstrated that in deoxidized iron and steel castings gassiness and bleeding are primarily functions of the hydrogen content of the liquid metal. These authors also suggested convincingly that ordinary melting and casting practice provides several sources of hydrogen for absorption by the metal. Norbury and Morgan2 and Boyles3 have shown that dissolved hydrogen affects the graphitization of cast iron. Schneble and Chipman4 included in a study of the effects of superheating on the properties of cast iron an investigation of the part played by hydrogen. Schwartz, Guiler and Barnett5 investigated the significance of hydrogen in the metallurgy of malleable cast iron. A complete interpretation of investigations of this kind calls for equilibrium values of the solubility of hydrogen in the liquid and solid phases. From the theoretical standpoint, the solubility of gases, especially hydrogen, may reveal some aspects of the nature of liquid metallic solutions. This was implied in the early work of Sieverts6 on the effect of alloying additions on the solubility of hydrogen in copper. Recent work by Bever and Floe7 has shown that in liquid copper-tin alloys the solubility of hydrogen changes abruptly at the composition of the intermetallic compound Cu3Sn. It is of considerable interest to determine whether liquid alloys of iron also have compositions at which the solubility of hydrogen exhibits a discontinuous or otherwise unique behavior. Among the various alloys of iron the iron-silicon system is important because of the presence of silicon in various structural alloy steels, transformer sheets, cast irons and special acid-resisting castings. The various grades of ferrosilicon, finally, cover almost the entire remainder of the composition range. Published information on the solubility of hydrogen in iron-silicon alloys is meager. The first values for pure liquid iron were reported in 1910-191 1 sieverts and Krumbhaar8 and by sieverts.9 They found that 100 grams of iron absorbs 28 c.c. of hydrogen at 1550°C and One atmosphere pressure, and 31 C.C. at 1650°C. In 1938 Sieverts, Zapf and Moritz10 published a value of 26.3 C.C. at 1550°C. Data on the solubility of hydrogen in liquid iron-silicon alloys and in liquid silicon are not available. Martin1' investigated

Jan 1, 1947

By Bever M. B., Floe Carl F., Hung Liang

Data on the solubility of hydrogen in iron-silicon alloys are of practical interest, as hydrogen causes gas unsoundness and embrittlement in iron and steel and is also a factor in the metallurgy of cast iron. Zapffe and Simsl have recently demonstrated that in deoxidized iron and steel castings gassiness and bleeding are primarily functions of the hydrogen content of the liquid metal. These authors also suggested convincingly that ordinary melting and casting practice provides several sources of hydrogen for absorption by the metal. Norbury and Morgan2 and Boyles3 have shown that dissolved hydrogen affects the graphitization of cast iron. Schneble and Chipman4 included in a study of the effects of superheating on the properties of cast iron an investigation of the part played by hydrogen. Schwartz, Guiler and Barnett5 investigated the significance of hydrogen in the metallurgy of malleable cast iron. A complete interpretation of investigations of this kind calls for equilibrium values of the solubility of hydrogen in the liquid and solid phases. From the theoretical standpoint, the solubility of gases, especially hydrogen, may reveal some aspects of the nature of liquid metallic solutions. This was implied in the early work of Sieverts6 on the effect of alloying additions on the solubility of hydrogen in copper. Recent work by Bever and Floe7 has shown that in liquid copper-tin alloys the solubility of hydrogen changes abruptly at the composition of the intermetallic compound Cu3Sn. It is of considerable interest to determine whether liquid alloys of iron also have compositions at which the solubility of hydrogen exhibits a discontinuous or otherwise unique behavior. Among the various alloys of iron the iron-silicon system is important because of the presence of silicon in various structural alloy steels, transformer sheets, cast irons and special acid-resisting castings. The various grades of ferrosilicon, finally, cover almost the entire remainder of the composition range. Published information on the solubility of hydrogen in iron-silicon alloys is meager. The first values for pure liquid iron were reported in 1910-191 1 sieverts and Krumbhaar8 and by sieverts.9 They found that 100 grams of iron absorbs 28 c.c. of hydrogen at 1550°C and One atmosphere pressure, and 31 C.C. at 1650°C. In 1938 Sieverts, Zapf and Moritz10 published a value of 26.3 C.C. at 1550°C. Data on the solubility of hydrogen in liquid iron-silicon alloys and in liquid silicon are not available. Martin1' investigated

Jan 1, 1947

By Carl F. Floe, Hung Liang, Michael B. Bever

DATA on the solubility of hydrogen in iron-silicon alloys are of practical interest, as hydrogen causes gas unsoundness and embrittlement in iron and steel and is also a factor in the metallurgy of cast iron. Zapffe and Sims1 have recently demonstrated that in deoxidized iron and steel castings gassiness and bleeding are primarily functions of the hydrogen content of the liquid metal. These authors also suggested convincingly that ordinary melting and casting practice provides several sources of hydrogen for absorption by the metal. Norbury and Morgan,2 and Boyles3 have shown that dissolved hydrogen affects the graphitization of cast iron. Schneble and Chipman4 included in a study of the effects of superheating on the properties of cast iron an investigation of the part played by hydrogen. Schwartz, Guiler and Barnett6 investigated the significance of hydrogen in the metallurgy of malleable cast iron. A complete interpretation of investigations of this kind calls for equilibrium values of the solubility of hydrogen in the liquid and solid phases. From the theoretical standpoint, the solubility of gases, especially hydrogen, may reveal some aspects of the nature of liquid metallic solutions. This was implied in the early work of Sieverts6 on the effect of alloying additions on the solubility of hydrogen in copper. Recent work by Bever and Floe7 has shown that in liquid copper-tin alloys the solubility of hydrogen changes abruptly at the composition of the intermetallic compound Cu3Sn. It is of considerable interest to determine whether liquid alloys of iron also have compositions at which the solubility of hydrogen exhibits a discontinuous or otherwise unique behavior. Among the various alloys of iron the iron-silicon system is important because of the presence of silicon in various structural alloy steels, transformer sheets, cast irons and special acid-resisting castings. The various grades of ferrosilicon, finally, cover almost the entire remainder of the composition range. Published information on the solubility of hydrogen in iron-silicon alloys is meager. The first values for pure liquid - iron were reported in 1910-1911 by Sieverts and Krumbhaar8 and by Sieverts.9 They found that 100 grams of iron absorbs 28 C.C. of hydrogen at 1550°C. and one atmosphere pressure, and 31 C.C. at 1650°C. In 1938 Sieverts, Zapf and Moritz10 published a value of 26.3 c.c. at 1550°C. Data on the solubility of hydrogen in liquid iron-silicon alloys and in liquid silicon

Jan 1, 1946

A LARGE attendance at the annual dinner of the Institute, to be held this year on Tuesday eve-ning of convention week, is already assured. Presentation of the Douglas, Hunt and Saunders medals will attract unusual attention since not only in Blaylock, Mathews and Hoover the Institute will be honoring men who have made notable contributions to the advance-ment of their profession, but as to one of them each person as he passes down the reception line will be won-dering whether in renewing acquaintance with our past-president and present Secretary of Commerce, he is not greeting the next president of the United States. Elsewhere in this issue accounts of the professional careers of these three men appear as also of the two younger men, Charles H. Herty, Jr., and P. H. Royster, who are to receive the Robert W. Hunt and the J. E. Johnson awards. Institute honors go for technical achievement, but the Institute will be proud and happy if the nation should later confirm its own judgment by placing larger responsibilities on one of its members. The medals are to be presented at the annual dinner following the President's reception and preceding the dance. There will be no. other speeches and since the occasion falls on Carnival Night a particularly gay evening is anticipated. The event will be at the Wal-dorf as usual, and members are urged to return prompt-ly the reservation cards sent them by mail. Other entertainment features will include a Smoker, Monday evening at 8.15, held at Mecca Temple and in charge of a new committee with Fred Kay of the Petro-leum Division as chairman. He promises that vocal music will not be allowed to interrupt conversation. Lunch will be served each day on the Fifth Floor of the Engineering Societies Building, and ten special luncheons and dinners have been arranged for particu-lar committees and groups as shown by the detailed program. The Woman's Auxiliary has laid out a gen-erous program including luncheons, teas, a theater party on the night the men folks go to the Smoker, visits to museums and, not the least important, a round of the leading shops. The Excursion Committee is arranging for an excur-sion sure to be of interest. The American Smelting and Refining Co. has opened its great Perth Amboy plant to the Institute, and on Thursday, Feb. 23, a party will be taken to it by bus traveling through the Holland Tunnel en route. Full opportunity will be afforded those interested to see the workings of the ventilation system of that great public work. If a sufficient number indicate interest, arrangements will be made for group excursions to other plants in the vicinity of the city.

Jan 2, 1928